PragerU Salaries & Bonuses

Prager University Foundation raised $76.57 million in 2025 and closed the year with $105.50 million in net assets. Contributions run about 95 percent of revenue. The foundation pays its chief executive more than a million dollars a year, has paid the founder’s company $3,573,626 since 2015, and pays the founder’s son more than half a million dollars a year. Those figures come off the e-filed returns, which anyone can pull from ProPublica’s Nonprofit Explorer.

2012 2013 2015 2016 2018 2019 2020 20222023 2024 2025

Marissa Streit joined in 2009 and became chief executive in 2011. Her base has sat near $738,000 since 2022. On top of that comes a bonus the returns describe as based on annual revenues, estimated and accrued by December 31 and reconciled after the audit. The bonus was zero in 2019 and zero in 2020. Then $94,500 in 2021, $211,321 in 2022, $168,354 in 2023, $249,999 in 2024 and $249,999 in 2025. Her total package reached $1,022,373 in 2024 and $1,031,315 in 2025. Two consecutive years landing one dollar under a round number tells you a cap exists at $250,000.

Candid, which publishes the standard reference on this question, drew its 2024 compensation report from the 2022 filings of more than 128,000 tax-exempt organizations. Among nonprofits with budgets above $50 million, median compensation ran $559,770 for male chief executives and $430,640 for female ones. The Chronicle of Philanthropy reported the full spread in that budget band: roughly $237,000 at the tenth percentile and above $1.5 million at the ninetieth. Streit sits in the upper stretch of that band, inside it.

Sal Khan founded Khan Academy, which does what PragerU does in a different key, free instructional video at scale. Khan Academy spent about $87.5 million in 2025 and Khan drew $871,000, according to an analysis of the filings by Class Central. Turning Point USA reported $85 million in revenue and paid Charlie Kirk about $390,000 in 2023, per Forbes. The Heritage Foundation, which holds $413.8 million in assets, paid president Kevin Roberts $953,920 in 2023, including a bonus of $300,300, as CharityWatch read out of Schedule J.

So PragerU pays its chief executive more than the Heritage Foundation pays its president, more than Khan Academy pays the man whose name is on it, and more than twice what Turning Point USA paid its founder. It also pays her within the going rate for a nonprofit of its size.

Scale it against the money coming in. Streit’s package equals 1.35 percent of 2025 revenue. Khan’s equals about 1 percent of Khan Academy’s spending. Kirk’s equaled about half a percent of Turning Point’s. That range is where large advocacy and education nonprofits live.

David Prager is chief development officer and Dennis Prager’s son. PragerU identifies him by that title on its own site. His total compensation ran $398,536 in 2020, $444,474 in 2021, $442,845 in 2022, $432,396 in 2023, $459,736 in 2024 and $523,616 in 2025. Before he came on payroll, his firm Palm Tree Consulting received $155,700 in 2018 and $38,700 in 2019, both disclosed on Schedule L with the family relationship stated. Development chiefs are the best-paid non-chief-executive officers at large nonprofits, and PragerU is a fundraising machine that turns donor cultivation into 95 percent of its income. Half a million dollars against $76.57 million raised is 0.68 percent of the money the job exists to bring in. Any outside fundraising consultancy would cost more. The rate fits the work.

Then Kansas and Brooklyn, the company Dennis Prager owns, received $150,000 in 2015, $200,000 in 2016, $250,000 in 2017, $237,500 in 2018, $301,667 in 2019, $382,913 in 2020, $462,083 in 2021, $493,333 in 2022, $375,000 in 2023, $446,130 in 2024 and $275,000 in 2025. Total, $3,573,626. Average, $324,875 a year. Prager is the voice, the face, the name and the founding argument of the organization. Nothing about $325,000 a year for that would raise an eyebrow if it appeared as salary on a line marked salary.

It does not appear that way. The returns describe it as compensation for consulting services performed by Dennis Prager, paid to an entity he owns. That is salary routed through a corporation. For 2015, 2016 and 2017 it showed up only as a line in the top-five independent contractor table, with the organization answering No to the Form 990 question about business transactions with interested persons and filing no Schedule L. The disclosure begins with the 2018 return, the same year Prager first appears in Part VII as President and Founder. The Center for Media and Democracy noticed that sequence in January 2020. He drops out of Part VII again after 2019 and has not reappeared through 2025.

The 2025 payment fell to $275,000 from $446,130. Prager was seriously injured in a fall in November 2024.

Two more names. Layne Thrasher, chief financial officer, took bonuses of $31,000 in 2023, $116,000 in 2024 and $110,000 in 2025. Craig Strazzeri, chief marketing officer, took $33,000, then $77,000, then $100,000. The 2023 Schedule O explained that a minority portion of their year-end bonuses is tied to annual revenues. That sentence is absent from the 2024 and 2025 returns, in the same stretch where both bonuses roughly tripled. The returns disclose their bonuses and not their base pay, so nobody outside can say what either man earns in total.

Revenue-linked pay to insiders is the part of this that has a body of law behind it. The rebuttable presumption of reasonableness requires approval by a conflict-free body, comparability data gathered before approval, and contemporaneous documentation. PragerU cites compensation studies dated November 2018, November 2020, November 2022 and September 2024, and never names who prepared them or what organizations served as comparables. The 2025 return still leans on the September 2024 study. Over the same years the board shrank from ten voting members to five.

A hundred and five million dollars sounds like a war chest. Against $76.57 million of annual revenue it comes to about seventeen months of operating money, which sits inside what charity analysts treat as prudent.

None of these numbers is an outlier for the sector. Every one of them is a number the sector produces routinely, and the sector’s donors would recognize almost none of them. The unexamined material is the September 2024 comparability study, the written agreement setting Streit’s bonus formula, and whatever contract governs what Kansas and Brooklyn is paid to deliver.

The number of people at PragerU earning more than $100,000 was one in 2012, one in 2013, two in 2015, two in 2016 and five in 2018. Those figures sit on the last line of Part VII, Section A of each return. The organization grew from $523,785 in revenue in 2012 to $18.60 million in 2018, and the six-figure payroll grew with it.

For 2016 the entire six-figure roster is two men and one woman’s worth of salary. Allen Estrin, co-founder, listed as executive director at thirty hours a week, took $200,000 in base pay with no bonus. Marissa Streit, chief executive, took $205,000, also flat. Schedule J that year answered No to the question asking whether anyone’s pay was contingent on the organization’s revenues.

Two years later that answer is Yes. The 2018 Schedule J breaks the five out. Streit received $275,000 in base and $122,864 in bonus and incentive pay, $397,864 in all. Estrin stayed at $200,000 flat. Craig Strazzeri, chief marketing officer, received $160,000 in base, $23,715 in bonus and $4,260 in other reportable compensation. Layne Thrasher came on as chief financial officer in April 2018 at $137,500 plus $4,936. Robert Kuns came on as chief creative officer in June at $125,579 plus $5,026. Dennis Prager, listed for the first time as president and founder at forty hours a week, took zero.

The formula appears in Part III of that same schedule, and it is worth reading closely. Strazzeri receives 0.9 percent of online fundraising. Streit receives 1.25 percent of fundraising, with an annual amount not to exceed $400,000. The organization answered Yes to the line about revenue-contingent pay and No to the line about non-fixed payments, which is consistent, since a percentage set by contract with a stated ceiling counts as a fixed formula under the instructions for Schedule J.

A bonus of $122,864 at 1.25 percent implies a fundraising base near $9.83 million. Total revenue that year was $18.60 million. So the word fundraising in her contract covers something narrower than everything the organization took in, and the return never defines it. Strazzeri’s $23,715 at 0.9 percent implies online fundraising near $2.64 million. Nobody outside the building can say how either base is drawn or who draws it.

Later returns drop the percentages and say only that the chief executive’s bonus is based on annual revenues, estimated and accrued by December 31 and reconciled after the audit. Her bonus came in at $249,999 in 2024 and $249,999 again in 2025. One and a quarter percent of 2025 revenue would be more than $950,000, and the ceiling written into the 2018 return was $400,000. Something in the arrangement changed between 2018 and now.

Then the consulting. Across eleven years the returns give one description of what Kansas and Brooklyn sells: consulting services performed by Dennis Prager. The 2018 Schedule L calls him founder and president; later years call him co-founder. No hours, no deliverables, no scope. Prager appears on camera in the videos, hosts the Fireside Chats, headlines the donor events and lends the name that the organization is built on. Any of that is a plausible service.

Paying a media performer through a corporation he owns is ordinary. Actors, hosts and writers have used loan-out corporations for decades. The performer sells his services to several buyers, the corporation collects the fees, and it pays him a salary while carrying his retirement plan and his business expenses. Under subchapter S he can split the income between salary and distribution and lower his self-employment tax. The buyer skips payroll tax, benefits and workers compensation and writes one check against an invoice.

Money paid to an employee lands in Part VII, Section A with a title, an hours figure and a compensation column, and once it passes the threshold it lands again on Schedule J broken into base, bonus, other, deferred and nontaxable benefits. Money paid to a contractor lands in Part VII, Section B as a name, an address, a phrase and a single number. For 2015, 2016 and 2017 that single number is all a reader got, alongside a No answer to the question about business transactions with interested persons. The 2018 return is the first to route the payment onto Schedule L, and it does so through line 28c, the question about an entity in which a listed officer holds an ownership interest. That route is open only because Prager appears in Part VII that year.

If any part of the payment licenses his name, his likeness, his trademarks or his back catalog, the organization would still be entitled to call the contract consulting on a Form 990.

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The David Pinsof Story

My favorite intellectual over the past year is David Pinsof who’s had an odd career in contemporary psychology. He is an evolutionary social scientist at UCLA, a co-creator of Cards Against Humanity, the author of the Substack Everything Is Bullshit, a podcaster, and the developer of increasingly ambitious theories about political alliances, status, signaling, friendship, humor, and the stories human beings tell about their own motives. UCLA’s Social Minds Lab identifies him as a research scientist. A UCLA Library announcement for a 2025 event on his work called him a postdoctoral scholar. Neither source presents him as a professor or tenure-track faculty member.

The commercial success of Cards Against Humanity gave Pinsof income independent of the university. In a long 2026 interview with Zach Elwood, Pinsof said the game’s success freed him from the academic imperative to publish constantly, to optimize his work for obtaining a faculty position, and to choose projects according to their usefulness on the academic labor market. He has acquired something like intellectual tenure without holding an academic tenure line. That explains both the freedom and the oddity of his oeuvre.

Pinsof grew up in Highland Park, Illinois, on Chicago’s North Shore. The future creators of Cards Against Humanity knew one another at Highland Park High School and graduated in 2005. A Daily Iowan profile published May 12, 2009 identified Pinsof as 21 years old.

Nothing in that 2009 profile suggests a young man who had decided to become an evolutionary psychologist. Pinsof was graduating from the University of Iowa with a double major in psychology and theatre arts. He was considering acting in Chicago or Los Angeles and mentioned theatre education. His undergraduate record holds another clue to the breadth of his interests. The University of Iowa Center for New Music lists a composition by David Pinsof called “Half Step”, performed in May 2008.

The theatre training left a mark. Pinsof’s later work is preoccupied with audiences, performance, impression management, social perception, hidden intentions, and the gap between a man’s presentation and the machinery underneath it. The young actor and the mature theorist were drawn to related problems years before Pinsof had the evolutionary vocabulary he would later use to describe them.

The other formative institution was a group of high-school friends. Josh Dillon, Daniel Dranove, Eli Halpern, Ben Hantoot, David Munk, David Pinsof, Max Temkin, and Eliot Weinstein kept meeting during college vacations after leaving Highland Park. They developed a deliberately transgressive party game that became Cards Against Humanity. The project went onto Kickstarter in December 2010 seeking $4,000 and raised $15,570. Kickstarter later published a case study of the game’s early success.

A Chicago magazine profile from 2014 described the eight founders as equal participants who kept making decisions together while pursuing other careers. Pinsof was then in graduate school in Los Angeles. The article caught him joining the others remotely to brainstorm jokes. The company was already profitable enough to give its creators extraordinary financial freedom.

The card game produced serious money while he pursued his doctorate. He stayed with Cards Against Humanity part time, including data analysis and play-testing, while conducting psychological research.

Pinsof says comedy and psychology appeal to him for the same reason. Both require getting inside other people’s heads. Writing Cards Against Humanity also taught him a prose style. It rewarded short, provocative, cynical formulations that delivered an uncomfortable thought before the audience had time to protect itself from it. Years later he imported that voice into Everything Is Bullshit.

This helps explain why Pinsof does not sound like most research psychologists. The tone was developed commercially, in a game that requires one player to predict what another will find funny, transgressive, or surprising.

Pinsof entered UCLA and earned an M.A. in social psychology in 2015 and a Ph.D. in psychology in 2018. His dissertation, Evolutionary Origins of Political Ideology: Mating Strategies, Intergroup Conflict, and the Nature of Political Alliances, contains a curriculum vitae documenting his Iowa degree, UCLA training, publications, and works in progress. His graduate formation combined psychology with biological anthropology. His dissertation committee brought together Martie Haselton, Aaron Lukaszewski, H. Clark Barrett, and David O. Sears. Haselton chaired it. The committee reads as a map of his subsequent thinking. Haselton and Lukaszewski brought evolutionary psychology, Barrett evolutionary anthropology, and Sears political psychology.

The dissertation title captures a transition inside the work. Pinsof began with narrow questions about sexual politics and ended by asking whether political ideology had been misunderstood.

His first substantial publication, with Haselton, appeared in Psychological Science in 2016. “The Political Divide Over Same-Sex Marriage: Mating Strategies in Conflict?” proposed that opposition to same-sex marriage could partly reflect conflict between different sexual strategies. People averse to casual sex were likely to oppose same-sex marriage when they associated homosexuality with promiscuity. UCLA publicized the study under the headline “Why people oppose same-sex marriage.”

Pinsof and Haselton followed in 2017 with “The Effect of the Promiscuity Stereotype on Opposition to Gay Rights” in PLOS ONE. This time they varied what participants were told about gay male promiscuity. Among participants disinclined toward casual sex, information challenging the stereotype increased support for gay rights.

Pinsof doubted that people’s stated moral reasons explain their politics. A man might sincerely say his position follows from principle while the disposition that makes the principle attractive comes from another social interest.

That proposition put him into an early argument with Mark Hoffarth and John Jost. Hoffarth and Jost pointed to sexual minorities who opposed same-sex marriage as evidence that ideology can override apparent self-interest. Pinsof and Haselton answered in “When Self-Interest Contradicts Ideology: A Reply to Hoffarth and Jost.” Their response foreshadowed almost everything Pinsof later did. Self-interest need not mean immediate personal material advantage. Loyalty to allies, communities, religious groups, and political coalitions supplies powerful motives of its own.

Pinsof was also a coauthor with Tran Dinh, Steven Gangestad, and Haselton on “Cycling on the Fast Track: Ovulatory Shifts in Sexual Motivation as a Proximate Mechanism for Regulating Life History Strategies.” The paper sits in evolutionary reproductive psychology, some distance from the political project for which Pinsof is now known. It shows how firmly his early formation took place inside adaptationist evolutionary psychology.

The abortion work shows how slowly Pinsof develops an idea. At the Human Behavior and Evolution Society conference in 2016, Pinsof and Haselton presented “Pro-Life or Anti-Promiscuity? The Role of Mating Strategies in Opposition to Abortion.” The HBES program describes a study of 855 participants asking whether abortion opposition ran especially strong among people pursuing more restricted mating strategies when they believed abortion restrictions would discourage casual sex.

A descendant of that project did not surface as a major paper until 2026. Elias Acevedo, Pinsof, Jaimie Krems, and Haselton released the preprint “Concerns about Sexual Promiscuity Play an Underexplored Role in Opposition to Abortion,” now based on four studies and 3,631 participants, including data from before and after Dobbs and a nationally representative panel. It remains a preprint.

His dissertation shows that this long gestation is normal for him. Its vita listed several manuscripts then in preparation, including “Pro-Life or Anti-Promiscuity?”, “Why Politics Makes Strange Bedfellows,” and “Equality for All, or for My Allies?” Two of those subjects stayed central to his work for years afterward.

By 2018 Pinsof was already presenting Alliance Theory in public. At that year’s Human Behavior and Evolution Society meeting he presented “Double Standards of the Political Mind: Empirical Support for the Alliance Theory.” The conference program describes an analysis using polling data from 1,215 Americans. Pinsof examined cases where Democrats and Republicans appeared willing to reverse general principles depending on which political coalition benefited from applying them. His larger claim was that many apparent ideological inconsistencies become intelligible when political principles are treated as instruments in struggles among allies and enemies.

The following year he presented “Equality for All, or for My Allies?” The 2019 HBES program records the presentation, while the dissertation gives the fuller analysis using the 2016 American National Election Studies sample of 4,271 respondents. The dissertation chapter pits Alliance Theory against accounts emphasizing egalitarianism, social dominance, moral foundations, and system justification.

There is a publication-history problem here. I have not found either the 1,215-person double-standards analysis or the ANES study as a standalone peer-reviewed journal article. They appear in conference programs and, in the second case, the dissertation. The mature Alliance Theory would go on to make large claims. Some of Pinsof’s most pointed empirical attempts to separate the theory from competing explanations seem never to have entered the ordinary journal literature.

The mature statement appeared with David O. Sears and Martie Haselton in Psychological Inquiry in 2023 as “Strange Bedfellows: The Alliance Theory of Political Belief Systems.” The title Pinsof had listed among manuscripts in preparation in 2018 had taken about five more years to become the published article.

Pinsof, Sears, and Haselton argue that political belief systems are largely constructed from historically contingent alliances. Parties bring together groups whose interests do not derive from a single philosophy. Advocates then build narratives and moral principles that make the coalition’s positions look coherent. Change the alliance structure and the apparent ideological logic changes with it.

Psychological Inquiry was the right venue because it surrounds a target article with commentaries. The reactions exposed where the argument becomes controversial. Ariel Malka and Christopher Federico argued in “Political Belief Systems Are Not Singularly Rooted in Alliance Psychology” that political belief systems cannot be reduced to alliance psychology. Nichola Raihani and Quentin Atkinson argued in “It’s More Complicated Than That: Alliances Are One of Many Factors Shaping Political Belief Systems” that alliances constitute one causal influence among several. Yoav Ganzach and colleagues went further in “Political Ideology is Not Meaningfully Explained by Alliances and is Not Inconsistent with Attitudinal Inconsistencies.” The entire issue repays reading because it works as a symposium on the scope and limits of Pinsof’s theory.

Antoine Marie and Michael Bang Petersen were more sympathetic but argued that status competition deserved a larger role. Their commentary, “Speech Repression and Outrage from Orthodox Activists as Attempts to Mobilize Allies and Gain Status,” reads well in retrospect because status soon became central to Pinsof’s own public theory.

Pinsof, Sears, and Haselton answered the critics in “The Strange Epicycles of Political Psychology.” Alliance Theory has drawn serious scholarly engagement without becoming a consensus account of political ideology. Its strongest critics grant that coalitions matter and dispute the attempt to give them explanatory priority over stable values, personality, moral commitments, culture, and other sources of political belief.

John Jost’s 2024 “Both-Sideology Endangers Democracy and Social Science” addresses the larger dispute and never names Pinsof. Jost attacks arguments in political psychology that emphasize psychological symmetry between political camps. Pinsof’s account operates on that terrain because Alliance Theory expects each coalition to produce self-serving principles and selective moral judgments.

Pinsof has kept trying to give the alliance idea more formal structure. At HBES in 2025 he presented “Whose Side Are You On? The Evolutionary Game Theory of Alliances.” The conference program shows him moving from verbal descriptions of partisan inconsistency toward evolutionary game theory and the formal problem of alliance formation. This may decide the future of the project. A theory that generates mathematical predictions stands in a stronger scientific position than a theory that redescribes political behavior after it occurs.

Another institution connected Pinsof’s commercial and scholarly lives. Cards Against Humanity created Pulse of the Nation, a project conducting nationally representative surveys of American opinion. The project says twelve polls were conducted in 2017 and 2018 using scientific sampling through Survey Sampling International, with data and cross-tabs released publicly. Pinsof served as its director. It is almost a caricature of his peculiar career: a party-game company financing public-opinion research supervised by one of its founders, who was at the same time developing a theory of political belief.

The company went through a serious workplace controversy in 2020 centered on allegations about cofounder Max Temkin and the company’s internal culture. Temkin stepped down. The company acknowledged failures and announced changes. One contemporary account is available here. I have not found indexed evidence attributing the alleged misconduct to Pinsof, nor a public statement by him about the episode. It belongs in the institutional history of the company whose profits helped make his later intellectual independence possible.

The decisive year in Pinsof’s development was 2023.

A preprint of what became “The Evolution of Social Paradoxes” was circulating that year. Its preprint history lets us trace the paper before journal publication. That same March Pinsof began Everything Is Bullshit. “Strange Bedfellows” was circulating in the same period before journal publication. The academic work and the public philosophy developed together.

Pinsof has said that Everything Is Bullshit grew out of emails he wrote to himself arguing against claims that seemed obviously true to everyone else. UCLA later profiled him in a piece on academics who had migrated to Substack and described the audience around him as a “global gathering of Darwinist cynics.” The UCLA profile shows the university recognizing the Substack as part of Pinsof’s intellectual identity.

The blog contained twenty posts in 2023, twelve in 2024, ten in 2025, and six through August 18, 2026. The annual archives are available for 2023, 2024, 2025, and 2026. Forty-eight essays in under three and a half years make an oeuvre.

The early titles establish the territory at once: “Happiness Is Bullshit,” “The Meaning of Life Is Bullshit,” “What Are Ideologies All About?”, “Psychologizing Psychologists,” “Status Is Weird,” “Opinions Are Bullshit,” and “Your Fear of Mortality Is Bullshit.” The common move is a search for function. Pinsof starts with the explanation people consciously give for a behavior and asks what evolved social function might sit underneath it.

Status Is Weird” is a key text. Humans seek status, Pinsof argues, but seeking it in the open discredits the seeker. Effective status competition has to disguise itself. Humility, authenticity, moral conviction, independence, and professed indifference to status all become ways of gaining status. The most effective competitor may sincerely experience himself as a man who is not competing.

Pinsof suggests that successful social signaling may require the motive to be hidden from the man doing the signaling. The conscious story need not be a deliberate fraud.

The same idea became the backbone of “The Evolution of Social Paradoxes,” published online by American Psychologist in February 2026 after several years as a preprint. Pinsof examines paradoxical signals such as humility, conspicuous disregard for norms, and anonymous generosity. His central engine is recursive social inference. A signal can lose value when observers know the sender intended it as a signal. That creates incentives to communicate desirable qualities while concealing the signaling intention. UCLA had already hosted Pinsof discussing the theory in a 2024 colloquium.

Pinsof’s distinctive territory lies in the recursion. We compete to demonstrate that we are not competitive. We seek approval by displaying indifference to approval. We signal that we are not signaling. A man can gain status by making the status game disappear from view.

That recursive structure explains why the theatre student, the card-game designer, and the psychologist increasingly look like the same person. Each occupation depends on understanding what one mind thinks another mind thinks about it.

By 2024 the blog was acquiring its own conceptual vocabulary. “30 Useful Concepts about Bullshit” defined ideas such as “Darwinian cynicism,” self-bullshitting, confabulation, and Alliance Theory. Pinsof was no longer writing provocative essays one at a time. He was building a general interpretive framework. He later converted much of the essay into an extended X thread, preserved by Thread Reader.

The framework kept expanding. Political ideology became coalitional strategy. Morality became a possible signaling technology. Authenticity became useful because manufactured authenticity fails. Happiness became an evolved regulatory signal. Utilitarianism became another intellectual system requiring psychological explanation. Arguments became social acts. AI doom became a case study in mistaken folk intuitions about intelligence. Democracy became an incentive system producing coalition behavior.

The titles run more extreme than the essays. “Democracy Is Bullshit” does not advocate abolishing democracy. Pinsof argues that democratic systems generate tribalism, rent-seeking, and perverse incentives while still producing outcomes preferable to autocracy. The rhetoric stays maximalist because maximalism is part of the Cards Against Humanity inheritance. The argument underneath has grown more qualified.

Happiness Is Bullshit” offers a case study in both Pinsof’s ingenuity and his scientific vulnerability. His later “Happiness Is Bullshit Revisited” acknowledges that the original essay was among his most controversial. He develops the idea that happiness functions as something like a positive prediction-error signal, telling an organism that circumstances are improving relative to expectation.

The difficulty is that evolutionary function and conscious motive sit at different explanatory levels. Explaining why natural selection built a capacity for happiness does not show that a man cannot desire happiness. An ultimate evolutionary explanation can coexist with a proximate psychological one. Pinsof sometimes moves too fast from “this system evolved because it performed function X” to “the reason people say they pursue Y is bullshit.”

That belongs to a larger scientific problem. Pinsof is good at generating hidden-motive explanations. A framework that can accommodate every possible observation tells us less.

A person boasts. Status seeking.

A person acts humble. Concealed status seeking.

A person follows the crowd. Coalition maintenance.

A person rebels against the crowd. Status through independence.

A person admits craving status. Strategic candor.

A person sincerely denies craving status. Successful concealment.

Constructing a plausible evolutionary story for each behavior is easy. The challenge is specifying an observation that would show the story is wrong.

The Evolution of Social Paradoxes” counts partly because Pinsof begins doing this. Instead of declaring humility a hidden status strategy, he tries to specify the information conditions under which concealed signals should work and fail. His evolutionary game-theory work on alliances is another attempt to produce constraints.

Pinsof is alert to the reflexive problem. If intellectuals are status seekers constructing flattering rationalizations, then the man becoming famous for exposing them is an intellectual seeking status. Everything Is Bullshit cannot exempt its author from its own theory.

That is why “A Big Misunderstanding,” published in December 2025, ranks with “Status Is Weird.” Pinsof argues that intellectuals exaggerate how much social dysfunction results from ignorance, misinformation, bias, and misunderstanding. That diagnosis conveniently makes the people who manufacture knowledge indispensable. Pinsof wants us to look harder at incentives, status, alliances, competition, and institutional structure.

The essay drew a serious response from Dan Williams titled “We Are Confused, Maladapted Apes Who Need Enlightenment.” Williams agreed with much of Pinsof’s incentive-centered picture but argued that evolutionary mismatch, technological novelty, and human ignorance give knowledge-producing institutions a much larger role than Pinsof allows. Modern humans confront problems of nuclear weapons, financial markets, pandemics, and artificial intelligence that ancestral intuitions were not designed to solve. Sometimes misunderstanding is the problem.

Pinsof responded in Williams’s newsletter with “What Kind of Apes Are We?” The exchange is one of the best windows into Pinsof because the swagger falls away. He treated Williams as a serious good-faith interlocutor, acknowledged substantial agreement, and pushed back mainly on how far evolutionary mismatch should be taken. He also acknowledged his own attraction to Enlightenment ideals and the desire to understand the world better. The nihilistic reading of Pinsof does not survive contact with this side of his work.

His 2025 essay “AI Doomerism Is Bullshit” supplied another stress test. Pinsof tried to identify a chain of assumptions behind catastrophic AI arguments and attacked them using an evolutionary conception of intelligence as a collection of specialized adaptive capacities instead of one generalized substance. The piece drew heavy resistance from readers who argued that AI-risk theories do not require all of Pinsof’s assumptions. The episode illustrates both his strength and his weakness. He can detect assumptions hidden inside apparently rigorous arguments, and he can also construct a target narrower than the strongest opposing case.

In 2026, “Everything Is Signaling” placed Pinsof in a lineage running through Robin Hanson and Kevin Simler. His own extension is useful. Much signaling, he argues, is defensive. Human beings spend much of their social effort avoiding signals that would let others classify them as stupid, disloyal, desperate, immoral, or incompetent.

Here his relation to earlier sociology deserves more scrutiny. Erving Goffman, impression-management research, reputation theories of personality, and linguistic pragmatics explored related territory long before Everything Is Bullshit. Pinsof’s claim to originality lies in connecting impression management to evolved signaling systems, recursion, and concealed intentions.

His public intellectual environment has expanded alongside the Substack. In 2025 he began cohosting Evolutionary Psychology (the podcast) with David Pietraszewski. Pietraszewski had posed serious challenges to Alliance Theory. A critic working inside the same evolutionary framework became Pinsof’s podcast partner. The show brings in researchers from across evolutionary behavioral science and discusses current work and the intellectual history of the field.

Pinsof has also moved through the podcast ecosystem around evolutionary psychology, rationalist-adjacent writing, signaling theory, and heterodox social science. He appeared on Infinite Loops, where the conversation touched on books including Harry Frankfurt’s On Bullshit, Edward Bernays’s Propaganda, Robert Cialdini’s Influence, Robert Wright’s The Moral Animal, Will Storr’s The Status Game, Howard Bloom’s The Lucifer Principle, and Douglas Hofstadter’s Gödel, Escher, Bach. He has also appeared on Chris Williamson’s Modern Wisdom.

He sits at an angle to rationalism. Much of his work runs against the rationalist habit of treating articulate reasons as privileged evidence about why people believe things. His “Utilitarianism Is Bullshit” turns the same explanatory suspicion on a philosophical tradition influential in effective-altruist and rationalist circles. His criticisms of AI doom, political ideology, and intellectualism reflect a deeper suspicion that explicit reasoning serves social functions with little relation to discovering truth.

His current UCLA work is widening again. The Social Minds Lab says Pinsof studies political attitudes, mating strategies, status, and signaling while using mathematical models to investigate alliance formation. The lab also describes him as leading work on the psychology of humor.

A 2025 UCLA profile of friendship research describes Pinsof’s emerging conception of friendship as an alliance problem. He asks why humans form, maintain, and terminate friendships and uses game theory to think about those decisions. Humor enters as a device that can cement friendship while marking insiders off from outsiders.

His 2026 preprint “All Mixed Up: A Solution to the Evolutionary Mystery of Humor” attempts an evolutionary account. Pinsof proposes that humor helps humans handle “mix-ups” in coordination. Misunderstandings, ambiguity, mistakes, and awkward violations can threaten social coordination. Shared laughter can establish common knowledge that both parties recognized the disruption and help defuse its costs. The ability to produce humor can therefore signal value as a coordination partner.

Again the biography folds back on itself. The theatre student who became one of eight people designing a game around predicting what friends would laugh at now tries to explain why laughter evolved.

Pinsof is also working with Jaimie Krems and Daniel Sznycer on a UCLA Initiative to Study Hate project called “Tests of an Engineering Perspective of Hatred Towards Jews.” The project approaches hatred in functional terms by asking what psychological inputs activate hostile responses and what conditions alter them. That fits his preference for asking what a psychological system does before judging whether its output is morally desirable.

His publication record stays odd. ResearchGate’s Pinsof profile aggregates his papers, preprints, and related outputs, but his peer-reviewed corpus runs considerably smaller than his public intellectual footprint. His projects take five, eight, or ten years to mature. Alliance Theory appeared at conferences years before its target article. The abortion hypothesis returned a decade after its first presentation. “The Evolution of Social Paradoxes” circulated for several years before American Psychologist published it. He is now trying to formalize alliances and humor. Pinsof’s natural unit of work may be the research program.

This makes his financial circumstances scientifically relevant. Most young academics cannot spend years thinking about one theory while publishing little. Pinsof can. Cards Against Humanity removed a strong selection pressure on academic research.

The arrangement gives Pinsof permission to pursue large questions other researchers avoid because they do not yield rapid publications. It lets him combine political psychology, evolutionary theory, game theory, humor, philosophy, and internet writing without worrying whether a hiring committee will see a coherent specialization. It also removes some of the external constraints that make scholars narrow their claims. The same freedom that allows an original theory to develop can allow a favored explanation to expand until it covers everything. That is the central tension in his career.

His intellectual trajectory runs in widening concentric circles. The first circle is mating strategy. Why do people hold political positions on same-sex marriage and abortion? The second is alliance. Why do political coalitions endorse inconsistent bundles of principles? The third is status and signaling. Why do humans hide the motives underlying their public behavior? The fourth is bullshit. Why do conscious explanations so often fail to identify the forces producing behavior? The fifth is recursive social cognition. How do people signal that they are not signaling and compete while concealing the competition? The newest circle is coordination. How do alliances, friendships, humor, and political institutions let highly social animals organize themselves around common interests and conflicts?

Across all of them runs one question. Do people do things for the reasons they say they do? The young Pinsof asked whether people opposed same-sex marriage for the moral reasons they supplied. Alliance Theory asked whether political ideologies came from the values their adherents invoked. “Status Is Weird” asked whether noble conduct could conceal competition. “The Evolution of Social Paradoxes” asked how that concealment could become an evolved signaling strategy. “A Big Misunderstanding” asked whether intellectuals’ explanations of society conveniently magnify the importance of intellectuals. His happiness writing asks whether people understand the goals they believe they pursue.

Pinsof has spent a decade removing the object from his original question. What began as “Do people oppose this political policy for the reasons they say they do?” has become something close to “Does anybody do anything for the reasons they say they do?” That enlargement is the attraction of the project and its greatest vulnerability.

He has identified forces that exist. Human beings form alliances. They seek status. They manage impressions. They rationalize. They signal. They have incentives to hide unattractive motives. They apply their principles selectively. Their accounts of themselves are incomplete. The unresolved question is how much these forces explain.

If Alliance Theory says coalitions influence political ideology, it persuades. If it says values are largely post hoc coalition propaganda, the evidentiary burden grows much heavier. If status theory says people sometimes disguise status seeking, it names a familiar phenomenon. If every act of humility, rebellion, generosity, authenticity, and indifference can be recoded as hidden status competition, it becomes hard to say what evidence could count against the theory.

Pinsof is at his most scientifically valuable when he disciplines his own cynicism. The formal treatment of concealed signals beats declaring everything a status game. Mathematical alliance models beat collecting partisan inconsistencies. A testable coordination theory of humor beats saying jokes help people bond. The movement from aphorism to model may decide whether Pinsof is remembered as a clever public intellectual or as the architect of a durable research program.

The popular persona conceals another feature of him. He is not preaching despair. He enjoys explanation. He remains invested in doing science. He runs experiments and mathematical models, revises theories, engages serious critics, produces a research podcast, and keeps working inside UCLA with the money to walk away from it. His cynicism concerns human self-description.

That makes the title Everything Is Bullshit misleading. Pinsof believes that much of what human beings say about why they think, choose, and value what they do is psychologically superficial. His project is to uncover the machinery underneath.

The biography helped make that project possible. An actor-in-training became a social psychologist. A group of high-school friends produced a vulgar card game. The game became a fortune. The fortune freed one of its creators from the ordinary career structure of academia. The game taught him to compress uncomfortable observations into memorable sentences. Evolutionary psychology taught him to ask what those uncomfortable behaviors were designed to accomplish. Political psychology supplied the first cases. The internet supplied an audience on which to test ever broader versions of the theory.

He is an experiment in what happens when an evolutionary psychologist acquires tenure-like independence without tenure and then follows one explanatory instinct for more than a decade.

The Set

Start with the room. Every summer the Human Behavior and Evolution Society meets in a hotel with bad carpet, and for four days a few hundred people argue about what the mind was built to do. The 2025 program runs to talks on alliance formation, mating strategy, coalitional cognition, disgust, gossip, and hatred. David Pinsof gave one called “Whose Side Are You On? The Evolutionary Game Theory of Alliances.” In the audience sit the people who can evaluate it. There are not many of them. Randall Collins observed that intellectual fields sustain only three to six live positions at a time, because attention is the scarce good and the network cannot hold more. The Pinsof set is a field of that size. Maybe forty people set its terms. Perhaps two thousand follow the argument closely. Several hundred thousand read the jokes.

The inner ring is a laboratory lineage. Martie Haselton chaired his dissertation and has coauthored with him since 2016. David O. Sears supplied the political psychology and stands as senior author on the Alliance Theory papers. Aaron Lukaszewski and H. Clark Barrett sat on the committee. Jaimie Krems runs the Social Minds Lab where he now works. Daniel Sznycer joins him and Krems on the UCLA engineering-of-hatred project. Elias Acevedo carries the abortion paper. Tran Dinh and Steven Gangestad appear on the ovulatory-shift work. Behind all of them stand Leda Cosmides and John Tooby, whose Santa Barbara program supplies the grammar every one of these people speaks, along with Robert Trivers on self-deception, Amotz Zahavi on costly signals, Robert Kurzban on the modular and hypocritical mind, and Dan Sperber and Hugo Mercier on reasoning as an argumentative tool.

The second ring is the ring of worthy opponents, and a set of this size cannot function without them. David Pietraszewski built the strongest rival account of coalitional cognition, then became Pinsof’s podcast cohost. Michael Bang Petersen and Antoine Marie argued in their commentary that status deserved more room than Alliance Theory gave it. Nichola Raihani and Quentin Atkinson said alliances are one factor among many. Ariel Malka and Christopher Federico said belief systems have other roots. Yoav Ganzach said the theory explains little. Mark Hoffarth and John Jost were the first to push back in print, and Jost has since become the set’s useful antagonist, since his attack on both-sideology names the exact posture the set treats as a virtue.

The third ring is the public one, joined by traffic rather than by employment. Dan Williams of Conspicuous Cognition is the closest thing Pinsof has to a sparring partner of equal weight. Robin Hanson at Overcoming Bias and Kevin Simler at Melting Asphalt wrote The Elephant in the Brain and made the hidden-motive essay a genre. Will Storr wrote The Status Game. Adam Mastroianni at Experimental History runs the same operation on psychology’s own institutions. Rob Henderson at his newsletter, Steve Stewart-Williams, Coltan Scrivner, Diana Fleischman, Geoffrey Miller, and Richard Hanania occupy adjacent stalls in the same market, with Hanania at the edge where the set starts policing itself. Zach Elwood, Chris Williamson, and Jim O’Shaughnessy supply the microphones. Behind them stand the dead: La Rochefoucauld, Mandeville, Adam Smith of the Theory of Moral Sentiments, Nietzsche, Veblen, Goffman, and Harry Frankfurt, whose On Bullshit gave the set its title word.

What do they value? Function first. The question they ask of any behavior, belief, institution, or emotion is what it was built to accomplish, and they hold that the honest answer will rarely match the answer the actor gives. They value parsimony, and they value nerve. They value a man who can hold an unflattering hypothesis in his hand without dropping it. They value wit, and they treat a good joke as evidence, since a joke that lands proves that the audience recognized the hidden thing. They have started to value formal models more than they used to, which is why Pinsof’s move toward game theory reads as a bid for standing inside the field as well as a scientific step.

The immortality project: A true account of human nature that other people still use in fifty years. That is why the set treats popularization with suspicion even as it lives on Substack, and why the members who have crossed over keep insisting they are still doing science.

The status games follow from the hero system. The first is the cynicism arms race. If seeing through is the virtue, then the man who sees through one layer further wins the exchange. Hanson says medicine is not about health. Pinsof says the humble man is competing. The next man says the confession of competing is itself a competitive move. The game has no ceiling, which is a problem the set half-recognizes and half-enjoys.

The second is the reflexivity trump card. Admitting that your own essay is a status play cannot be answered, since any objection you raise afterward can be recoded as the play. Mary Douglas would recognize the structure. The confession functions as a purification rite, and once performed it licenses the polluting act. This is how a man can write about status seeking for three years while accumulating status and never appear to have contradicted himself.

The third is the freedom display. Pinsof has money from a card game and says so. Hanson has tenure. Mastroianni left. In a set that theorizes incentives, being visibly unbought is the highest form of capital. Robert Merton called disinterestedness a norm of science and noted that scientists have to perform it. Here the performance has been specialized: independence from career pressure is displayed rather than argued, and it functions as a warrant. Trust me, I have nothing riding on this.

The fourth is hospitality to critics. When Dan Williams answered Pinsof with “We Are Confused, Maladapted Apes Who Need Enlightenment,” Pinsof replied in Williams’s own newsletter, conceded ground, and kept the disagreement narrow. Taking your strongest opponent seriously in his own house is a status move of a high order, and making a former critic your podcast cohost, as Pinsof did with Pietraszewski, is a higher one.

The fifth is boundary work, and the set spends more energy here than it admits. It defines itself against four neighbors. Against mainstream social psychology, which it regards as a machine for producing flattering findings about the researchers’ own coalition, and which supplies Jost as its face. Against the rationalists and effective altruists, whose faith in articulate reasoning Pinsof attacks in “Utilitarianism Is Bullshit” and “AI Doomerism Is Bullshit.” Against the hereditarian right, which shares the evolutionary vocabulary and draws conclusions the set will not touch. And against the pop-evolutionary content business, the alpha-male podcast economy, which sells the same words with none of the discipline. Each boundary is patrolled by tone as much as by argument. You signal which side you are on by what you find funny.

Now the claims. The set denies having normative commitments and has several. Truth beats comfort, held with something close to religious force. Incentives beat exhortation, so the way to fix an institution is to change what it pays for rather than to lecture the people inside it. Coalitions are symmetric, which means the sins you find in your opponents are running in you at the same rate. That is a moral doctrine, and Jost is right to identify it as one, though he is wrong to think naming it settles anything. Anti-moralism is a morality. Sanctimony is the cardinal sin. And beneath the cynicism runs an unadmitted meliorism, since a man who did not think understanding could improve things would not run studies, build models, or publish weekly. Pinsof conceded as much to Williams when he acknowledged his own attraction to Enlightenment ideals.

The essentialism: The set holds that a species-typical human nature exists, that it has content, and that the content can be discovered. It holds that psychological systems have functions, and that a function is a real property of a trait rather than a story we tell about it. It holds that motives are real objects that exist below awareness and can be wrong about themselves. Those are strong essentialist commitments, and the set makes them at the level of the species. At the level of the group it makes almost none, which is where it parts company with its hereditarian neighbors. And at one point it is aggressively anti-essentialist: in the AI argument Pinsof denies that intelligence is a single substance, treating it instead as a bundle of special-purpose capacities. The set essentializes what rationalists deflate and deflates what rationalists essentialize.

The moral grammar: Sanctimony is the sin. Mood affiliation is the sin. Believing your own press is the sin. Boring is a sin, which is unusual for a scholarly community and traces to the card game. The virtues are candor about one’s own motives, updating in public, engaging the strongest version of an opponent, and taking a joke at one’s own expense. There is a confession, the reflexive admission, and it grants absolution. There is an excommunication, reserved for those caught moralizing without irony or defending a sacred cow. And there is a sacrament of controlled defilement. Cards Against Humanity is a liturgy in which a group of friends touch the forbidden together and prove by laughing that no one present is fragile. Douglas would say the game handles pollution the way rituals always do, by staging it under rules. The Substack performs the same office with moral material instead of scatological. The essays that end in “Status Is Weird” and “A Big Misunderstanding” invite the reader to handle a thought about himself that he would rather not touch, and the reward for handling it is membership.

A hero system that rewards nerve will reward the boldest claim over the best-supported one. A moral grammar built on confession lets the confessor buy indulgences. A set that defines itself by seeing through everything has trouble specifying what it could fail to see through. Pinsof’s answer, so far, has been to reach for formal models, since “The Evolution of Social Paradoxes” tries to say when concealed signals should fail. Whether the set as a whole follows him there will determine whether it becomes a research program or remains a style.

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Added Context to the Dennis Prager-Cedars Sinai Lawsuit

These two Mildred O. Watson documents (23STCV28540), the FAC and the Opposition to Demurrer, change how I read the Dennis Prager case against Cedars-Sinai. Until now the institutional-understaffing allegations in Prager’s First Amended Complaint read as aggressive but conventional elder-abuse pleading. Fenimore v. Regents of the University of California gives plaintiffs a reason to allege that inadequate staffing converts ordinary negligence into reckless neglect, so a good lawyer looking for a route around MICRA builds that theory. Watson v. Beverly Hills Rehabilitation Centre, LLC shows that an unrelated plaintiff had already accused Cedars-Sinai of substantially the same route to injury, in substantially the same kind of patient, with substantially the same missing care, and substantially the same path from bedside failure to corporate liability.

Two questions follow. What does Watson give Dennis Prager? And what does it mean for Cedars-Sinai?

Mildred Watson’s case, No. 23STCV28540, began on November 21, 2023 in the Stanley Mosk Courthouse and remains pending against Cedars-Sinai before Judge Daniel M. Crowley in Department 71. The Peck Law Group represents the plaintiffs. Watson died on March 28, 2023, and her daughter Lisa brings the action as successor in interest. The docket schedules a jury trial for August 23, 2027. Watson was an elderly, profoundly dependent patient who moved repeatedly between Cedars and Beverly Hills Rehabilitation Centre. The October 2025 First Amended Complaint alleges that during her Cedars admissions she depended on staff for repositioning, toileting, feeding, hydration and skin care. That is recognizable from the Prager case. A C3-C4 quadriplegic who could not move himself or feel pressure was likewise dependent on Cedars for the bodily functions an able-bodied patient performs without help. Prager’s lawyers describe that dependence as the foundation of a custodial relationship.

The resemblance tightens when Watson’s pressure-injury chronology starts. Her FAC alleges that during an April 11, 2022 admission after a heart attack she was contracted, weak and immobile, yet Cedars failed to initiate or document a prevention program covering two-hour repositioning, heel off-loading or a pressure-relieving surface. Nutrition assessments on April 12 and April 18 recorded intact skin. During a May 15 readmission for dehydration, a hospital dietitian documented a Stage II sacral ulcer the next day, and the contemporaneous records allegedly contain no documentation of consistent two-hour repositioning or skin assessments. By December 12 she weighed 73 pounds. During a January 2023 admission the existing wound progressed within six days to an unstageable Stage III-IV injury with slough and eschar while a specialty mattress and a wound-care consultation were delayed. She returned in septic shock on February 25, 2023, underwent serial debridements to bone, and died on March 28 with a sacral wound measuring 12.1 by 8.9 by 1.7 centimeters.

That is close to the architecture of the Prager pressure-wound case. His FAC alleges physician orders for every-two-hour repositioning and off-loading, charted pressure-injury precautions, Braden scores of 10 to 12, and an absence of evidence that the ordered custodial intervention was carried out. It then alleges that the resulting hospital-acquired pressure injury deteriorated after transfer into a Stage IV wound.

The legal move is close to identical. Watson’s lawyers insist their case is not about a doctor making the wrong judgment. Their April 2026 opposition describes repeated failure to provide “basic, non-discretionary care” to someone wholly dependent on Cedars, including turning, pressure off-loading, skin monitoring, nutrition and hydration. Later they call turning, repositioning, off-loading, hygiene and skin surveillance routine custodial obligations rather than discretionary medical treatment. They have to. Winn v. Pioneer Medical Group limits the Elder Abuse Act when a defendant provides medical services, and requires a substantial caretaking relationship plus neglect of basic needs. Oroville Hospital v. Superior Court is the harder case for both plaintiffs, since it held that intermittent in-home wound care from a hospital-affiliated nursing agency created no custodial relationship at all. Watson’s answer to Oroville is duration and totality: five inpatient admissions across a year, during which Cedars had exclusive control of her environment, movement, hygiene and feeding.

Prager’s amended complaint makes the same distinction. It alleges that Cedars withheld a category of “fundamental, basic and required custodial care,” the repositioning and off-loading Cedars itself had determined he required. It invokes Sababin v. Superior Court for the proposition that withholding one necessary category of care can constitute neglect even where the institution provides extensive medical treatment in other respects. Cedars therefore cannot dispose of the elder-abuse claim by showing that Prager received sophisticated ICU care. The plaintiff’s answer is that cardiac monitoring, surgery, respiratory therapy and intensive medical management do not substitute for the elementary physical act an immobile patient cannot perform for himself.

The procedural history repays attention, and it corrects the public record. A March 2024 tentative ruling available online says Cedars’ original demurrer would be overruled. The court docket records the final result differently. The March 29, 2024 demurrer was sustained with leave to amend, though the accompanying motion to strike was denied. The case then entered a binding-arbitration stay in May 2024 and returned to ordinary litigation in October 2025. Watson filed the far more detailed FAC on October 24, 2025. Cedars demurred again on December 9. The plaintiffs filed the opposition we now have on April 9, 2026. This time the demurrer was overruled and Cedars’ motion to strike denied, both on April 22, 2026.

That progression teaches more than a simple ruling for the plaintiffs would have. Something in the rewritten case got Watson across a line she had failed to cross the first time. Statutory elder-abuse claims must be pled with particularity under Covenant Care, Inc. v. Superior Court, and the original complaint apparently did not meet it. The FAC does more than accuse Cedars of causing pressure ulcers. It reconstructs particular admissions, identifies when skin was intact, identifies when ulcers appeared, identifies missing documentation, identifies delays in specialty equipment and wound consultation, and ties those omissions to Watson’s dependence on Cedars. The opposition then translates those facts into the narrow category Winn permits: prolonged withholding of ordinary custodial care from a woman unable to provide it herself.

Prager’s FAC was filed on June 22, 2026, two months after the Watson ruling. There is no evidence that his lawyers copied Watson or knew about it, and the two cases come from different firms. Much of the similarity follows from the same statutes and the same five or six controlling cases. But his amended pleading resembles the successful version of Watson more than it resembles his own sprawling original complaint. It drops Barlow and Rancho, discards the emotional-distress theories, and concentrates on a dependent patient, known risk, physician-directed prevention measures, sustained failure to deliver them, staffing, corporate knowledge and ratification. It invokes Sababin and Fenimore, then alleges a knowing pattern of understaffing on the high-acuity units where Prager was housed.

Watson is the third Cedars pressure-injury case in a line, and each one teaches a different lesson. The closest factual predecessor may be Parks v. Cedars-Sinai Medical Center, Los Angeles Superior Court case No. BC705530. Michael Park entered Cedars in 2016 with intact skin and a high-risk pressure-ulcer classification. According to the allegations, Cedars created a skin-integrity plan requiring twice-daily skin monitoring and repositioning at least every two hours. His widow alleged that the hospital repeatedly failed to carry out those measures and that Park developed Stage IV pressure ulcers. He was transferred to Barlow Respiratory Hospital, where the wounds allegedly deteriorated and he developed sepsis. The Cedars-to-Barlow sequence is the Prager sequence. Cedars won summary judgment in March 2023, but Park’s widow was representing herself and did not oppose the motion, so the court had Cedars’ expert evidence and nothing against it. The ruling does not establish that a contested trial exonerated Cedars. It establishes that years before Prager another dependent Cedars patient was alleged to have suffered a Stage IV pressure injury after failures to carry out an every-two-hour repositioning plan.

Martin v. Cedars-Sinai Medical Center, case No. 24STCV00619, gets closer to the legal theory. Kirk Martin alleged that he developed a pressure wound during a Cedars hospitalization running from January 14 through March 7, 2023, and pleaded failures to train staff, recognize skin changes, provide sufficient staffing and protect him from pressure injury. He also alleged that Cedars diverted resources away from patient care. In October 2024, Judge Barbara Scheper held that Martin’s prolonged dependence on Cedars for repositioning and hygiene was sufficient to plead the custodial relationship required for dependent-adult neglect, and found the alleged failures in monitoring, staffing and treatment particularized enough to plead reckless neglect. That was a pleading ruling rather than a finding of fact. Its value is that a second judge of the Los Angeles Superior Court has now let a Cedars pressure-injury case cross from malpractice into the Elder Abuse Act.

Perez v. Cedars-Sinai Medical Center, case No. 20STCV37353, shows how Cedars beats the theory. The patient alleged that staff left him in feces and urine for extended periods, allowed pressure ulcers to develop, and maintained inadequate staffing to reduce costs. In October 2022, after several attempts to amend, Judge William Crowfoot rejected the elder-abuse theory. The problem was corporate attribution. Perez alleged inadequate budgets and understaffing and could not identify an officer, director or managing agent who authorized or ratified the misconduct.

That is the bottleneck, and both Watson and Prager have drafted straight into it. A nurse missing a turn does not establish that a Cedars managing agent disregarded patient safety. A badly staffed shift does not establish it either. Welfare and Institutions Code section 15657(c) imports the corporate-employer requirement of Civil Code section 3294(b), and under White v. Ultramar, Inc. a managing agent must exercise substantial independent authority over decisions that determine corporate policy. A charge nurse will not do. Watson’s opposition concedes the requirement and argues that the identity of those people can be developed in discovery, since the facts lie in Cedars’ hands. Prager’s FAC reserves DOES 1-10 for entities and individuals controlling management, budgeting and staffing, then alleges that managing agents set staffing levels and budgets, received quality and wound information, knew inadequate staffing made required turns impossible, and allowed the condition to continue. The distance between a large MICRA malpractice case and an explosive elder-abuse case may lie in a small number of documents inside Cedars.

Paragraph 39 of the Watson FAC alleges more than that Cedars was understaffed. It says Cedars’ officers, directors and managing agents had actual knowledge of persistent shortages of qualified nursing personnel, repeated state deficiencies for patient-care failures, and “internal reports identifying delayed repositioning and missed wound-prevention interventions.” It alleges they refused to allocate resources because of financial priorities. Paragraph 40 alleges that Cedars managing agents intentionally omitted required reports of hospital-acquired wounds to the California Department of Public Health, in violation of Health and Safety Code section 1279.1, which requires hospitals to report a defined list of adverse events, including Stage 3 and Stage 4 pressure ulcers acquired after admission.

Those allegations are not proof. The FAC does not identify the internal report by date or title. It names no executive who read one. It attaches no staffing numbers. It identifies no unreported CDPH incident by report number. But unlike a generic accusation that management knew, the allegations point toward categories of evidence that either exist or do not.

Here Watson could do the most work for Prager. His FAC alleges that the Cedars managing agents responsible for staffing and budgets knew from “quality metrics, chart audits, wound-care and incident reporting, regulatory findings, and prior similar occurrences” that inadequate staffing of high-acuity units created a high probability of pressure injuries in immobile patients. Read alone, that sentence sounds speculative. The Watson FAC, filed eight months earlier by different counsel, alleges internal reports identifying delayed repositioning and missed wound-prevention interventions. Two pleadings drafted by unrelated firms point at the same internal information system.

If Cedars maintained quality metrics showing missed turns, chart audits identifying deficient repositioning, hospital-acquired pressure injury reports tied to staffing, or management reports tracing pressure injuries to missed prevention interventions, those documents outweigh another plaintiff’s lawsuit by a wide margin. They could establish that Cedars did not merely understand in the abstract that immobile patients get bedsores. They could show that management knew its own prevention system was failing in particular ways before Dennis Prager arrived.

There are reasons not to treat the Watson FAC as a smoking gun. Much of its corporate language is pleading boilerplate. It accuses Cedars and Beverly Hills Rehabilitation Centre jointly of pursuing profit through understaffing and inadequate training, and pleads them as alter egos of each other, which is a strange thing to say about a tertiary academic medical center and a 24-hour skilled nursing facility on San Vicente Boulevard. It alleges four common “calculated business practices,” including relentless marketing to increase “resident and patient census” and recruiting “heavier care residents” who generated higher reimbursements. That language points at a nursing home.

The clearest drafting tell is paragraph 10, which invokes 42 C.F.R. section 483.75 when describing the governing body of both defendants. Section 483.75 is a long-term-care regulation, and since the 2016 rewrite of the federal nursing home rules it covers quality assurance and performance improvement, with the governing-body requirement moved elsewhere in part 483. The paragraph also cites 22 C.C.R. section 70035, the acute-hospital governing body regulation, so the drafters did reach for the right rule for Cedars. The federal citation looks like an inheritance from a nursing-home template drafted before 2016.

That weakens Watson as independent evidence that Cedars has a corporate policy of understaffing patients for profit. A lawyer can allege almost anything on information and belief. The overruling of Cedars’ demurrer does not mean Judge Crowley found the allegations true. On demurrer the court assumes material facts to be true and tests only whether the complaint states a legally viable claim. The April 22 ruling means Watson gets discovery and the chance to prove her theory.

The patient-specific allegations deserve more weight, and the drafters knew the difference. The residents’ rights count under Health and Safety Code section 1430(b) is pled only against the skilled nursing facility, because it reaches only skilled nursing facilities. The Cedars-specific section of the FAC carries dates, wound stages, measurements, consultation timing and alleged chart omissions. It alleges that by Watson’s final admission the sacral ulcer extended to bone, cultures grew Proteus mirabilis and Enterococcus faecalis, infectious-disease physicians repeatedly identified the infected wound as the source of her sepsis, and an autopsy attributed her death to sepsis likely originating in the pressure wound. Those assertions can be checked against medical records and an autopsy report.

One difference between the cases should not be blurred. Watson died, and her lawyers seek attorney fees, punitive damages and her pre-death suffering. Prager is alive. Under Samantha B. v. Aurora Vista Del Mar, LLC, a living plaintiff who proves reckless neglect recovers noneconomic damages outside the MICRA ceiling, so the same legal theory is worth considerably more in Prager’s hands than in Watson’s. Cedars also has a stronger unavoidability defense against a 73-pound woman with severe malnutrition and heart failure than against a man whose own chart shows a wound nurse finding intact skin on December 11, 2024 and a deep tissue injury eight or nine days later. Cedars will want both cases to look like Carter v. Prime Healthcare Paradise Valley LLC, where seriously deficient hospital care around pressure ulcers still fell short of the culpable neglect the Act requires. The plaintiffs want Sababin and Fenimore, and the recklessness standard of Delaney v. Baker, which asks whether the defendant deliberately disregarded a high probability of injury.

So much for what Watson does for Prager. What it means for Cedars-Sinai is a different question, and a longer one.

Did Dennis Prager’s pressure injuries fit a pattern that Cedars-Sinai had already identified, measured and tried to correct? Watson sharpens that question in three ways.

The first is who is left in the room. Beverly Hills Rehabilitation Centre obtained approval of a good-faith settlement in October 2025 and was dismissed with prejudice on January 5, 2026. Cedars is the remaining institutional defendant heading toward the 2027 trial. Prager’s original suit named Cedars, Barlow Respiratory Hospital and Rancho Los Amigos, and his FAC dropped the other two. In both cases a pressure-injury narrative that began across multiple facilities has narrowed to what happened inside Cedars.

The second is sequence. Watson has a trial date of August 23, 2027. Prager, before Judge Edward B. Moreton, Jr. in Beverly Hills, has none. Cedars will litigate the managing-agent question in Watson first, in open court, with a jury, while the Prager case is still in discovery. Whatever Cedars produces to the Peck firm about staffing, wound reporting and executive knowledge becomes a template for what Prager’s lawyers know to ask for, and any position Cedars takes about who sets staffing and who receives wound data will be on the record before Prager tries the same issue.

The third is corroboration, and it needs care. Two lawsuits cannot tell us the incidence of pressure injuries across tens of thousands of Cedars admissions. Plaintiffs select bad outcomes. Complaints are advocacy documents. The convergence here does not come from a shared plaintiffs’ firm, since Peck filed Watson and Prager is represented by Heather Gibson with Bryan Garrie and Matthew Tyson, but it does come from a shared statute and a shared appellate map, which explains a good deal of the similarity without any institutional failure at all.

What raises the question above the pleadings is the surrounding record, much of it published by Cedars. Its 2020-21 Nursing Annual Report says wound-care nurses detected an “unfavorable trend” in Stage II and higher hospital-acquired pressure injuries during fiscal 2020, and that prevalence was benchmarking higher than comparable institutions in the national database. Cedars mounted an organization-wide prevention effort through its Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nurses team and Nursing Administrative Leadership, and reported a 62 percent reduction. The evidence cuts both ways. Cedars can say it found a quality problem and fixed it. For the Pragers the same document establishes institutional notice years before Dennis Prager arrived: nursing leadership knew the injuries were occurring at a level it called unfavorable, knew how they are prevented, and built a system to prevent them.

The issue did not leave the internal agenda, and the unit can now be named. Cedars personnel formed a hospital-acquired pressure-injury task force because injuries continued despite the existing protocol. The quality-improvement project published in 2026 that describes “increasing numbers” of Stage I and Stage II hospital-acquired pressure injuries on a surgical and transplant progressive-care unit concerns 6 North, which Cedars’ current nursing report identifies as its transplant and surgical progressive care unit. The unit recorded 36 such injuries in 2023 and 33 in 2024. The intervention followed a root-cause analysis and combined Braden scoring, two-hour repositioning, low-air-loss beds and skin assessments every shift, with compliance audited every shift and the data collected through Tableau and circulated monthly. Cedars also reports that 6 North held an AACN Beacon Bronze award for 2022 through 2025 and reached Gold for 2025-26. A recognized high-performing unit still needed a formal pressure-injury project, which is the sort of fact that should make anyone cautious about reading these numbers as an indictment. Their weight in Prager’s case depends on where he was housed. If discovery shows he spent time on 6 North, it would place him on a unit running a prevention bundle in the same calendar year it counted 36 injuries. If he never occupied it, the project stays institutional background.

Four days before Prager was admitted, Cedars held its 30th Annual Nursing Research Conference. Pressure injuries were not one stray poster on the program. The patient-safety session carried projects on device-related pressure injuries in the surgical intensive care unit, hospital-acquired injuries on 3 South, injuries acquired in the operating room, one called “All Hands-on Deck in Reducing Our HAPIs,” and another on improving skin assessments. Cedars listed one conference objective as developing evidence-based strategies to reduce nurse-sensitive indicators and hospital-acquired conditions. That establishes no failure in anyone’s care. It does establish that on November 8, 2024, prevention and the reliability of prevention were live working subjects across several Cedars units, including the SICU.

The incident-reporting system can also be named. A 2023 study written by Cedars clinicians and researchers says the hospital used the RLDatix platform to submit, track and follow up on patient safety incident reports, that all staff could file them though most came from nurses, and that each report carried structured data fields alongside a free-text narrative. The sentence that bears on the elder-abuse claim is the next one: those reports were received by nursing unit leaders and medical center patient safety staff, including the chief patient safety officer as well as nursing and pharmacy leaders. Cedars’ health equity report says the hospital systematically tracks and analyzes adverse events such as hospital-acquired pressure injuries, and that from December 2023 demographic stratification became a standard part of its root-cause-analysis investigations. None of that shows anything about Prager. It does mean that when his paragraph 52 alleges knowledge through quality metrics, chart audits and incident reporting, Cedars has already described the architecture in its own publications. The study was designed around medication events, and the barriers it discusses, staff uncertainty about what to report and fear of retaliation, are the general weaknesses of hospital incident reporting rather than findings about Cedars.

The prevention reporting has a named rhythm too. A Cedars perioperative project, “Four Eyes Are Better Than Two: Improving Skin Assessments,” measured its outcome through the organization’s weekly pressure-injury report. It created Pressure Ulcer Prevention “PUP Stars” who reviewed those reports and ran randomized chart audits for compliance with two-nurse skin assessments, working with unit leadership and the Executive Information Services team. The same project counted 26 reported pressure injuries in a 24-hour pre-op and post-op unit in fiscal 2022 and 85 across six perioperative departments, falling to seven and 65 after the intervention. Both sides can use those numbers. What they establish is the machinery: a recurring weekly report, designated people reading it, randomized audits, and information services building what the auditors asked for.

Staffing complaints have their own history. SEIU-UHW represents about 2,000 Cedars workers, largely certified nursing assistants, clinical partners, technicians, transporters and food and environmental services staff rather than registered nurses or physicians. Hundreds of them struck from May 9 to May 13, 2022 over staffing and patient safety. The strike ended without an agreement and a contract was ratified on May 27. Some of those workers do the physical labor an immobile patient needs, including hygiene, mobility and assistance with turning. The Los Angeles Times reported that the union attacked Cedars’ record on dangerous bed sores while arguing that short staffing was compromising patient care. Union statements are advocacy and prove nothing about staffing levels or causation. What they establish is that Cedars employees were raising staffing and pressure-injury concerns in public years before Prager was admitted.

The Watson chronology intersects that week. She was readmitted to Cedars on May 15, 2022, two days after the strike ended, and the FAC alleges that a dietitian documented her first Cedars-acquired Stage II sacral injury on May 16. She was at the nursing facility during the walkout, so the strike cannot be blamed for her wound. What it does is make one week of Cedars staffing records concrete, dated and discoverable.

There is regulatory evidence of another sort. Federal inspectors surveyed Cedars in January 2025, immediately after the November and December 2024 hospitalization described in the Prager complaint. In a sample of 30 patients they identified failures of nursing implementation. One patient had an active seizure-precaution order that had not been implemented. An admission nursing assessment had not been completed. A required PICC care plan had not been initiated. Another infection-related care plan had not been initiated. Cedars personnel acknowledged the deficiencies. The findings are collected by the Association of Health Care Journalists’ HospitalInspections.org database. None of that shows anyone failed to turn Dennis Prager. It speaks to the theory his case presents. His pleading does not allege that Cedars lacked sophisticated policies. It alleges repeated Braden assessments, a prevention plan, a specialty mattress and physician orders for repositioning, and then alleges that what existed on paper was not carried out at the bedside. Inspectors finding other instances in the same period where orders, assessments and care plans went unimplemented makes policy versus execution a legitimate discovery question.

Cedars has written about that problem itself. An AHRQ case study describes the hospital receiving quarterly quality reports showing higher-than-expected pressure-ulcer cases and finding it hard to tell whether the numbers reflected clinical failures or documentation inaccuracies. AHRQ titled the section “Closing the Gap Between Clinical Documentation and Clinical Reality.” That is close to the evidentiary dispute Prager presents in reverse. His lawyers will argue that missing turning documentation plus a wound supports the inference that the turns did not happen. Cedars can answer that missing documentation is not missing care, and can cite its own longstanding recognition of the problem. Blank flowsheet entries alone will not carry the case. The reconstruction has to triangulate flowsheets against assignment records, Epic activity logs, wound photographs and timestamps, medication administration, respiratory care, lift and mobility records and bedside witnesses.

Cedars has a contemporaneous answer to the broad understaffing theory, and it is stronger than the aggregate quality data. Its Magnet nurse engagement survey closed in October 2024, about a month before Prager arrived. Cedars reports 3,286 responses from 4,243 eligible nurses, a 77 percent response rate, with 65 of 70 eligible units or departments beating the benchmark in at least three of four categories and 96 percent of units beating the benchmark for adequacy of resources and staffing. Overall satisfaction beat the benchmark in all seven categories. That does not answer whether Prager’s units and shifts were adequately staffed. A hospital can score well across seventy units while one SICU shift absorbs callouts, unusual acuity and thin clinical-partner coverage. It does make an allegation of chronic institutional understaffing hard to sustain without unit-specific numbers, which is precisely the comparison the plaintiffs will have to run: the October survey against the November and December staffing grids, payroll punches, assignments, registry usage, overtime, sick calls, meal-break records, acuity calculations and variance reports on the units where Prager lay.

Aggregate data cut the other way. For the July 2022 through June 2024 reporting period, Cedars had a PSI-03 pressure-ulcer rate of about 0.75 per 1,000 eligible discharges against a Leapfrog hospital average of about 0.60. Numerically Cedars was worse. Statistically the estimate was not significantly different from the national rate. Current Leapfrog data also credit Cedars with meeting nursing-staffing standards. The figures sit in Cedars’ profile at The Leapfrog Group’s Hospital Safety Grade. A hospital that treats the sickest patients in Los Angeles will run a rate above the mean for reasons that have nothing to do with neglect.

So the record leaves a question rather than a verdict. Were Prager’s alleged missed turns isolated bedside mistakes inside a functioning prevention system, or another instance of a recurring gap between Cedars-Sinai’s pressure-injury policies and what its personnel were able to deliver?

The discovery that would answer it is now obvious, and much of it can be requested by name. Organization-wide and unit-level hospital-acquired pressure-injury incidence data for at least 2019 through 2025. Records of the pressure-injury task force. The weekly pressure-injury report, its underlying data and its distribution lists, along with the PUP Star reviews, the randomized chart audits and whatever Executive Information Services was asked to build. Root-cause analyses of Stage III, Stage IV and deep-tissue injuries. Turn-compliance audits, chart audits, nursing quality dashboards, prevention training and competency records, and the pressure-injury history of every unit where Prager stayed. Every RLDatix record associated with Prager, with his pressure injuries, and with missed repositioning, skin-integrity events and hospital-acquired injuries on his units during the period, together with the audit trail showing creation, modification, routing, receipt, assignment, investigation, closure and escalation, the access privileges, and the list of positions that automatically received each category of report. Those records then get matched shift by shift against staffing, acuity, required-versus-actual variances and Prager’s turning flowsheets. Prager’s lawyers should identify every prior similar occurrence on which their paragraph 52 rests, and every internal report identifying delayed repositioning on which Watson’s paragraph 39 rests.

One document test is simple enough to answer in a single interrogatory. Section 1279.1 and the adverse-event regulations effective January 1, 2022 require a general acute care hospital to report a Stage 3, Stage 4 or unstageable pressure ulcer acquired after admission no later than five days after detection, or within 24 hours if it presents an ongoing urgent threat, and to inform the patient or the responsible party by the time the report is made. So: did Cedars classify Prager’s injury as Stage 3, Stage 4 or unstageable before discharge? If it did, produce the submission, its date, the supporting investigation, and the record of when Dennis or Susan Prager was told. If it did not, identify why the wound fell outside the criterion. The answer may well favor Cedars. A deep tissue injury becomes reportable only if it progresses to Stage 3, Stage 4 or unstageable, and the FAC dates the deterioration to Stage IV after the transfer out. The same question runs against Watson, whose paragraph 40 alleges that Cedars managing agents intentionally omitted these reports, and there the wounds reached bone while she was in the hospital.

Above all, the discovery has to establish who received the reports. The Pragers need names. If hospital-acquired pressure-injury data moved upward to executives or senior nursing administrators with authority over staffing, budgets or hospital policy, those documents may bridge the gap between a neglected patient in a bed and the managing-agent proof California requires.

If the phrases dissolve under discovery into lawyerly inference, both cases collapse into what Cedars wants them to be: individual malpractice claims about catastrophically sick patients who developed known complications despite enormous amounts of care.

If the documents exist, the story is different. Then two apparently separate pressure-wound cases are glimpses of a recurring institutional failure already visible to Cedars’ own quality system. The people, committees, staffing systems and internal reports the Pragers need may already have surfaced in another courtroom, and the most consequential evidence in Dennis Prager’s lawsuit may not be in Dennis Prager’s medical chart. It may be sitting in the records of a case filed more than two years before his.

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The Criticism Was Right and It Did Nothing: Andrew Gelman, Seth Roberts, and the Limits of Being Correct

On February 6, 2025, Andrew Gelman (b. 1965) wrote about a Florida man whose cholesterol had begun collecting in yellow lumps under his skin after eight months of eating little but butter, cheese, and beef. Gelman put the question in his own title: how much am I to blame for this? He answered that he felt a share. Twenty years earlier he had promoted a psychologist named Seth Roberts (1953-2014) and his method of studying himself. Roberts spent his last months eating half a stick of butter a day to improve his brain speed. Reading back over the objections he had raised to Roberts in 2007, Gelman wrote, “In retrospect, I think I was too mild.”

The standard account of Gelman’s blog holds that he is the scourge of weak statistics, the man who takes apart the noisy study with the spectacular finding. The Roberts story runs the other way. Here Gelman is the promoter. His blog took an obscure journal article and delivered it to the New York Times. And here his criticism, delivered early, delivered often, delivered in print with the subject answering on the facing page, changed nothing at all.

They met in the early 1990s at Berkeley. Roberts came to the statistics seminar and the two of them talked about graphics. Berkeley was pushing faculty to teach freshman seminars, Gelman wanted to run one on left-handedness, and he asked the one psychologist he knew for a recommendation. Roberts volunteered. They taught it together and then had lunch regularly for years. Roberts told him about the experiments he ran on his own body: standing eight hours a day to sleep better, watching taped late-night monologues in the morning because life-sized faces lifted his mood, drinking unflavored sugar water to lose weight. He had spent close to ten years on the sleep problem before he turned to mood.

Gelman found the persistence admirable and the theory plausible. In April 2006 he reviewed The Shangri-La Diet on his blog, said he had known Seth for over ten years, and wrote that the case “seems pretty convincing to me,” adding that he had not tried the diet. Three months earlier he had told readers with New Year’s resolutions about happiness or weight to try Seth’s methods. In September 2005 he had written a defense of the whole approach, arguing that experiments that look easy had in fact cost Roberts years of disciplined measurement.

Roberts recorded what that did for him. In a May 2006 post called “The Ecology of New Ideas,” he traced the chain: his open-access self-experimentation article, then Gelman’s blog, then Alex Tabarrok at Marginal Revolution, then Stephen Dubner, then a Freakonomics column in the New York Times, then a book contract. He wrote it out again more formally in a 2012 article on the reception of his work, contrasting the coldness of his own profession with the interest he found outside it. His profession had no use for him. Gelman’s readers made him famous.

There is a small joke buried in the middle of this. In May 2007 Roberts interviewed Gelman about blogging, three parts over six days, the first extended account Gelman ever gave of what the blog was for. The man whose book the blog had built was asking the builder how the thing worked. Gelman told him the blog had started as a forum for his students, that the students never posted, and that he had developed an equanimous blog personality. In part three he mentioned a thousand readers a day and admitted he had no idea where the number came from.

Gelman’s first post on Roberts, March 16, 2005, praises the work and then asks: “What is the point where researchers should jump to a larger controlled trial?” Three weeks later, on April 8, he published an exchange with Roberts about control treatments and statistical power. In July 2006, defending himself against the charge that he was too hard on unconventional research, he cited Roberts as a case he had treated well, and said in the same breath that he thought replication plausible but could not be sure. In April 2006 he asked why Roberts had never tested the diet on rats, which would be cheap and would speak to the animal literature the theory rested on. Roberts answered that he and a collaborator had asked and been refused, because the committee thought the result impossible.

On April 23, 2007, Roberts reported that his balance improved on flaxseed oil compared with olive oil. Gelman’s first thought was measurement bias, since Roberts knew which oil he had taken and the balance test was hard. That August he proposed that Roberts have a partner assign the treatments blind, because expectation and noisy measurement can feed each other until an effect looks solid. Roberts replied that his findings had often surprised him and so could not be running on expectation.

Later in 2007 the two of them published the argument. “Weight Loss, Self-Experimentation, and Web Trials: A Conversation” ran in Chance, and the full text is on Gelman’s site. He grants a good deal: web trials can gather data cheaply, allow partial randomization, and study heterogeneity in ways a conventional trial cannot. He grants that clinical trials are often too small for subgroup claims and too slow to permit invention along the way. When Roberts argues that equalizing expectations can substitute for blinding, Gelman concedes he may be right and admits he does not know that literature.

Then he lays out the objections. No blinding. Protocol failures. Selection into the diet by people already unlike everyone else. Dropout. Measurement error. Motivation as an alternative route to both the weight and the mood results. Biases that cannot be assumed to cancel. He offers a design that would separate Roberts’s set-point theory from a duller explanation: give one group the oil away from meals and another group the oil with meals. And he tells Roberts he would believe the results a lot more if the treatments were blinded.

Roberts conceded that blinding would improve the oil experiment. He did not blind it.

The criticism kept coming. March 2009: Gelman says he is always skeptical when Roberts announces a new benefit, because Roberts may be hoping for the effect and then finding it, and because the reports reaching him come from people for whom the thing worked. June 2009: the acne anecdotes do not persuade him, and here is a cheap randomized volunteer study that might. January 2010: expectation could have a huge effect on Roberts’s own measurements, and here is why randomizing his particular design is hard and still worth doing.

On April 1, 2012, Gelman posted a randomized trial of the set-point diet, complete with an abstract from Nutrition. It was an April Fools fabrication. He noted that regular readers would know he had been waiting for this one a while. Seven years of asking had produced a joke, and the joke worked because the study did not exist.

Roberts answered everything. The next step after n of one should be n of one on somebody else, because a large study smuggles in assumptions nobody has tested. Self-experimentation costs nothing and permits treatments no grant would ever fund. Many things he tried failed, and some successes surprised him, so expectation cannot be doing all the work. He published his data, his graphs, and his R code. When a reader ran a reaction-time study that contradicted his soy theory, Roberts posted it with a link.

That transparency is part of the problem. Gelman would later write, citing his own paper on the subject, that honesty and openness are not enough. Roberts described exactly what he did. What he did could not support the conclusions he drew from it. A technically sophisticated person can understand a criticism, agree that the criticism is logically legitimate, continue collecting data, and nevertheless preserve the belief because the entire system producing and interpreting the evidence belongs to him.

Then the pace changed. It had taken Roberts ten years to solve his sleep. By the last few years, everything worked. Acne, mood, reaction time, brain speed. In July 2018 Gelman put the point in one line: he started to let his ambition get ahead of him. Sleep hours and body weight can be measured. Brain function measured by quizzes you give yourself is another thing, and it does not take much unconscious bias to produce a clean result on a test you administer to yourself, about a treatment you invented, while an audience waits for the answer.

The last treatment was butter. Half a stick a day. A cardiologist in one of his audiences told him he was killing himself. Roberts answered that his own data beat epidemiology and its questionable assumptions.

Roberts had measured his own coronary calcium. After eating half a stick of butter a day for a year, he underwent a second scan and reported that his Agatston score had fallen. He took the result as evidence that his risk of a heart attack had gone down.

This may be the most revealing self-experiment he ever performed. The measurement did not save him from the mistake. It reinforced it. Serial coronary-calcium scores have enough scan-to-scan variability that cardiology guidelines were already cautious about using changes in the score to monitor treatment, and the clinical meaning of apparent regression was uncertain. Roberts had done what he always said scientists should do: measure himself. The problem was that a measurement can be precise enough to persuade you and still be inadequate to answer the question you are asking.

He collapsed while hiking in Berkeley on April 26, 2014, at sixty. Occlusive coronary artery disease and an enlarged heart contributed to his death. His final column, published two days later, was called “Butter Makes Me Smarter.”

Gelman posted an obituary four days after. It praises the persistence and states the methodological failure without softening it: Roberts did little to reduce, control, or adjust for bias in his measurements, and he never systematically gathered data on other people. The comments filled with tributes. Gelman ended by saying it was good that Seth had found an online community that valued him.

Nine years later he took that back.

In a November 20, 2023 post, Gelman says his doctor told him his cholesterol was high and he needed to lose weight. He tried the Shangri-La diet for a few days, along with the eating less that Roberts always said the diet made easier. Then he thought: if the point is to eat less, why not just eat less. He dropped the sugar water and lost the weight anyway.

Had he stayed on it, he writes, he would be another testimonial. He would be telling you that only after switching had he been able to eat less without suffering. He would have been wrong, and there is no way he could have known.

A commenter named Juraj says you have abandoned a belief on the strength of a biased anecdote, which is the thing you spend your life criticizing. Gelman concedes the point and turns it into the argument: “Live by the anecdote, die by the anecdote.” Seth’s anecdote convinced him. His own anecdote unconvinced him. Neither one was evidence.

Roberts had a blog audience cheering every move, and Gelman writes that when people cheer your every move it becomes easier to fool yourself. In the comments the epidemiologist Sander Greenland observes that with death as your outcome you get no second trial, and Gelman agrees with him that the self-experimentation and the applause from admirers may have killed the man.

A woman named Wendy, who had known Roberts since the early eighties, wrote that the piece read as cruel innuendo about a kind man who could no longer answer. Alex Chernavsky, who runs a memorial site and has followed the diet since 2009, disputed the placebo account with fourteen years of his own weight data. Gary Wolf of the Quantified Self movement raised conditioning effects that neither placebo nor selection covers well. The bloggers at Slime Mold Time Mold pointed out that two of their three diet trials produced almost nothing, which is hard to square with the claim that anything works if you are ready. Gelman answered all of them and gave no ground on the main point. In a holiday open thread two years later, Chernavsky came back to say the Roberts posts had been unfair, and Gelman asked him to name one thing in them he thought was wrong.

In July 2017 Gelman posted that a bigshot psychologist, unhappy that his famous finding would not replicate, was scrambling furiously to preserve his theories. The psychologist was Fritz Strack (b. 1950), and Strack turned up in the comments to thank him for the promotion and to say he was quite happy. A graduate student in the same thread counted the evaluative words in the title, eight out of twenty-five, and asked Gelman to own that he had taken a shot. Gelman refused. He said he could not do this work if he were not free to say what he thought. The same refusal, on much heavier ground, is what Roberts’s friends met six years later.

There is a postscript Roberts did not live to see. In 2015 the CONSORT group published formal guidelines for N-of-1 trials. They treated it as a legitimate experimental design. But the legitimate version looked like what Gelman had been asking Roberts to do: repeated treatment periods, controls, randomized treatment order, allocation concealment and blinding where possible. Roberts was right that one person can be an experiment. Gelman was right that being your own subject does not repeal experimental design.

Now the argument.

The comfortable position on public criticism in science says that ridicule fails on its target and succeeds on the audience. Amy Cuddy did not concede; thousands of graduate students learned what a forking path was. The joke is a teaching instrument aimed past the defendant at everyone watching the trial. That position lets the critic keep his jokes and his conscience.

The Roberts case tests it. Nothing about this criticism was mocking. It came from a friend of twenty years who had taught a class with the man and eaten lunch with him for years. It was specific, technical, and correct. It ran from March 2005 to January 2010 and beyond. It appeared in a peer-reviewed magazine with Roberts given equal space and the last word. It came with concrete, cheap, actionable proposals: use a partner to assign the oil blind, run the rats, run twenty volunteers on the acne question, split the oil groups by timing. Gelman conceded points to Roberts throughout, and in December 2009, when Roberts said Gelman had described his climate views unfairly, Gelman agreed on the spot and revised.

John Braithwaite drew the standard distinction in Crime, Shame and Reintegration: shaming that stigmatizes the person against shaming that condemns the act while leaving a road back into good standing. Gelman’s criticism is as reintegrative as criticism gets. The act was named, the person was kept, the road back was drawn on the map with the cost of the trip itemized. If reintegrative criticism works anywhere, it should have worked here.

It failed. Roberts answered every objection, conceded the small ones, kept the practice, accelerated it, and finally died of the kind of disease his own measurements had reassured him he was avoiding.

Colin Wayne Leach and Atilla Cidam, in “When Is Shame Linked to Constructive Approach Orientation? A Meta-Analysis,” find that shame moves people toward repair when the damaged standing looks repairable, and toward withdrawal when it does not. Everything turns on what the criticized person believes is at stake.

Gelman was criticizing an experiment. He thought he was asking a colleague to blind one measurement, a fix costing a few weeks and one helper. Roberts heard something else. He had left mainstream academic psychology on purpose, after tenure, because the students cared about their lives and the publishable research did not. Self-experimentation was what he had instead of a career. Conceding that his balance results ran on expectation would not have cost him an experiment. It would have cost him the second half of his life, retroactively, and left him a man who had walked away from a respectable position to fool himself for twenty years in public.

Nothing about that is repairable. So the courtesy in Gelman’s criticism could not reach it, and neither could sarcasm, and neither could a better argument. The size of the concession decides the response. Cuddy had a book, a talk with tens of millions of views, and a public identity built on one finding. Wansink had a lab, a directorship, and a career. Roberts had his second act. In each case the correction on offer was small and what it implied was total.

What moved the Wansink case was an institution with the power to act, arriving after reproducible demonstrations of error had accumulated past the point a provost could ignore them. Roberts had retired from Berkeley, moved to Tsinghua, and answered to a message board. Once you strip out the the high-status employer, the journal, and the tenure committee, you can see in his case what criticism accomplishes when the person being corrected has everything riding on the answer.

Tsinghua’s faculty biography presented self-experimentation as one of his research areas and repeated the claim that butter and flaxseed oil improved brain function. Nobody at Tsinghua had an obvious reason, mechanism, or obligation to tell a psychology professor what he could eat for breakfast or what conclusions he could publish on his blog. The formal institution and the informal audience occupied different worlds. The audience rewarded the experiments. The institution supplied a title. Neither supplied a brake.

The audience half of the standard position gets darker. Hezhi Chen and colleagues find that people who watch a third party punish a transgressor revise their sense of what is normal and change their own behavior accordingly, which is the evidence for the claim that the joke teaches the gallery. But Xiaoyu Ge reports that taking part in online shaming lowers the participants’ own moral sensitivity and raises their willingness to join the next one. Applied to a blog with two hundred thousand comments, that says the gallery is being trained, and what it is trained to do is show up for the next defendant.

Gelman spends his working life asking what selects the evidence a person sees. Why this study and not that one. Who sent it. What made it visible. In February 2025 he pointed that question at his own archive and answered that he bore some share of responsibility for a stranger in Florida with cholesterol under his skin, because in 2005 he had made an obscure psychologist’s method famous. He is the reason the audience existed. He built the cheering section he later blamed for the death, and then he apologized for having built it, to a man he never met, about a diet he never recommended.

Almost nobody does this. The usual move after a promotion goes bad is silence, and the archive makes silence easy, since nobody is going to read your 2005 posts. Gelman went back and read them.

Roberts loved Brian Wansink’s (b. 1960) work. He praised the research design on his blog in 2006 and again in 2007, and in August 2019 Gelman reproduced that enthusiasm to show how completely the bottomless soup bowl had been believed before anyone looked. The man Gelman promoted vouched for the man Gelman helped bring down, and both of them fell for the same reason, which is that a friendly audience and a flexible measurement will find you whatever you are looking for.

And in December 2024, describing an athlete who experiments on himself with more care, Gelman called him a sane Seth Roberts. The friend has become a type, a shorthand, a character in the blog’s permanent cast. Every long-running blog does this to the people in it.

In March 2026 Gelman wrote that computer scientists now occupy the position economists held in 2000 and Freudians held in the 1950s, and that the trouble starts when the gurus and their hangers-on begin to believe their own hype. He had used that phrase before. He used it in 2023, about Seth Roberts, whose hype he supplied.

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What Andrew Gelman Doesn’t Write About

On April 7, 2016, Andrew Gelman declined two stories in one post and then named the problem this essay exists to address. A correspondent had sent him a McKinsey report on women in corporate America. He looked at it and decided to stay out of it. Another reader sent him a reported association between height and cancer, and he called it too difficult for him to understand and said he did not want to touch it. Then he closed by pointing out that his readers only see the studies he decided to write about.

Almost everything written about Gelman’s blog concerns his targets. The power pose, the ovulation studies, the himmicanes, Brian Wansink’s (b. 1960) bottomless soup bowl. He warns readers not to infer journal failure rates from his blog, since he sees bad papers because people send him bad papers. That warning is about the numerator. The denominator has never been examined, because the denominator sits in a private inbox.

But not all of it. Over twenty-two years Gelman has repeatedly narrated a decision not to write. He does it in passing, usually in one sentence inside a post about something else. Assembled, those sentences make a small archive of the road not taken: twenty-six decisions across twenty-two posts, from August 2009 through May 2026, each one a case where a piece of research reached him and he explained why he was letting it go.

Ten of the twenty-six come down to not having the energy. On the PACE trial and the chronic fatigue controversy, where he had contemplated a full investigation with interviews on all sides, he writes that he did not have the energy to do it. On an apparent plagiarism case in economics he says it was just not something he had the energy to look into. Same phrase, more or less, on police shootings, on a weather-as-instrument paper in economics, on the pertussis dispute, on a reader’s multilevel model, on a book he was sent in 2026. Four more are outside his expertise. Four more are subjects he had already covered enough.

Eighteen of twenty-six. Tired, unqualified, or bored with the topic.

Two cases touch social cost. In July 2016 he received a juicy item connected to a recurring blog subject and withheld it because people might take it as a personal attack. And the McKinsey case, where the obstacle was the position from which he would be criticizing. Two out of twenty-six, and zero disclosed cases in this archive of protecting an author he knows.

I expected the declines to cluster in medicine, on the theory that he stays inside social science because that is where he can evaluate a paper cheaply. Medicine is prominent in the declines, seven of the twenty-two decisions with an identifiable field. But medicine is prominent in his attacks too. He goes after oncology trials, screen time and hypertension, olfactory enrichment in older adults. So the field is not the variable.

What clusters in medicine is the explicit admission of not knowing enough. Three of the four outside-my-expertise refusals are medical: height and cancer, Matthew Walker on sleep, and a Nature paper on HIV viremia with twelve subjects where a correspondent had raised pseudoreplication and Gelman declined to evaluate any of it.

Compare those to the medical papers he does attack. The oncology post turns on treating a p of .053 as a failed trial and on a proportional-hazards assumption that makes no sense. He can see that from his chair. He does not need to know anything about the cancer. The pertussis case, by contrast, requires untangling cohort effects against a vaccine schedule, and that would make him a partial epidemiologist for a week.

He engages when the statistical defect can be seen without resolving the underlying science, and declines when the case would require him to enter another discipline. That is a rule about the reach of a statistician’s authority, and he applies it honestly. It also means that whole classes of bad research are invisible to this kind of criticism, not because they are defended but because their errors are not the kind a statistician can spot from outside.

Of the twenty-six declines, seven are economics, the largest single field. In the sixteen critical episodes drawn from the same pilot, economics appears zero times.

Fourteen of the twenty-six are cases where Gelman published the item and declined to judge it.

Per Pettersson-Lidbom sent him criticisms of three economics papers. Gelman posted them and said he did not have the energy to look into the cases. Alexey Guzey wrote a long attack on Matthew Walker’s Why We Sleep. Gelman passed it along and wrote that he would not try to judge Guzey’s claims, since he had not read the book and knew nothing about sleep research. A correspondent’s pseudoreplication argument against the HIV paper got the same treatment. So did the placebo effect material, the economics plagiarism correspondence, the police shooting analysis.

Eleven of the twenty-six are a post that never happened. Fourteen are a post that happened while the investigation somebody wanted did not.

Gelman isolated the behavior in 2013. Writing about post-publication peer review, he contrasted people who examine a paper with bloggers who merely publicize it and open the floor for discussion. He put himself in the latter category, describing a case where he lacked the energy to read a paper closely and later concluding that post-publication review can produce lots of people who simply post a paper without reading it and only the occasional critic who performs a detailed examination.

He does this more often than he writes the takedowns he is known for.

I am not sure what to make of it. A blog is a bulletin board as well as a courtroom. Somebody has to circulate criticism that nobody has the standing or the hours to adjudicate, and the alternative is that the criticism goes nowhere. Gelman is transparent about it every time, which is more than most aggregators manage. And in the Walker case the underlying critique was substantial and eventually got a wide hearing.

But the cost lands on the person named. The same distribution that makes a Gelman post consequential when he has done the work makes it consequential when he has not, and the reader’s memory does not reliably preserve the difference between a paper Gelman demolished and a paper he mentioned while saying he had not looked into it. Two years later both are things you read about on that blog.

Which brings the essay back to the archive nobody can see.

On November 20, 2016, Gelman posted a list of unfinished drafts and said the folder held 434 of them. He printed fifty-six titles, describing them as the most recent few, and annotated some. Ovulation and clothing, set aside because the topic had had enough posts. Steven Levitt (b. 1967) on golf, with the note that he had had enough of that guy. One draft he had actually published and then removed at a colleague’s request. One where he never finished writing the title.

I tried to trace what happened to those fifty-six. Two were published later. Three had already appeared or been withdrawn. Two he says he abandoned. The remaining forty-nine cannot be traced either way, because titles like “Scientific and scholarly disputes” and “Is it hype or is it real?” do not support a search.

The queue tells a related story. In August 2016 he cleared his inbox and announced his next 170 posts, filling the blog into the following January. In August 2026 he did it again, and the lag had reached a year, with posts scheduled into August 2027. A reader in 2026 encountering a Gelman verdict on a study is reading a decision he made in 2025, about a paper that reached him in 2024, filtered through whatever he had energy for on the afternoon it arrived.

Two caveats.

These twenty-six were found by searching for the phrases in which a man narrates a decision. They are therefore the declines he chose to describe, selected by the same process under examination. Every silence that stayed silent is still silent.

And energy is the cheapest reason a person can give. It costs nothing socially, it implies no judgment of the author, it is always true in some degree, and it is available whenever the real reason is one you would rather not write down. Ten of twenty-six say energy. What the public record can establish is that energy is what he says. Whether it is the cause or the covering is beyond anything a blog archive can settle.

What the file shows is a working academic with a full-time job, a family, and a software project, who receives more material than he can process, who says no most of the time, who says no mainly because he is tired or out of his depth or has already done that one, who forwards a great deal of criticism he has not verified, and who keeps a folder of several hundred things he meant to write and never did.

On December 31, 2024, somebody sent him a statistical critique. He read enough of it to conclude that the new argument contained both good points and errors. He had things he could have said. He worked out that laying the groundwork would take more scaffolding than the payoff justified, called it a cost-benefit calculation, and decided the best option was not to bother.

That post is the closest thing to a controlled observation anyone will get from outside his inbox: exposure, followed by non-selection, with the reason stated by the man who made the decision.

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Andrew Gelman: ‘Computer scientists today are like economists in the early 2000s and Freudian psychiatrists in the 1950s’

Gelman writes:

Back in the early part of this century, economists were riding high: they were the country’s all-purpose pundits, they had tons of influence but were lamenting that they didn’t have enough, and they were going on and on about how special they were, most amusingly in the self-contradictory argument that they were different because they “assume everyone is fundamentally alike; we believe circumstances, not culture, drive people’s decisions.” I’m still not sure what is the difference between “circumstance” and “culture” except that maybe talking about the former is associated with overconfidence.

Nowadays, though, economics is just one more social science. OK, I don’t want to overstate things. I assume they still get paid more than sociologists and political scientists, and, yeah, there’s a Council of Economic Advisers but no Council of Sociology Advisers. Still, I think that economics has lost some of its standing in the past twenty years, partly as a result of the crash of 2008 and its aftermath (political polarization, Brexit, etc.) and partly just the natural ebb and flow of influence, the inevitable cycle of hype and disappointment. Econ hero Steven Levitt was supplanted by data analyst Nate Silver (who identifies as a poker player, not an economist), and we’re not hearing from economists so much anymore, except to hear them fighting in vain against tariffs.

Gelman nails the pattern. Freudian psychiatry in the 1950s, neoclassical economics around 2000, and computer science now each supplied the era’s all-purpose pundit. Each sold the same self-image: cold rationality, willingness to say what others won’t.

He flags the disanalogy but does not develop it. Freud (1856-1939) and neoclassical economics offered theories of everything. Computer science built tools. That difference predicts a different ending. Psychoanalysis lost standing when its efficacy claims collapsed and drugs worked better. Economics lost standing as its tools and biases towards mathematical modeling that appeared objective failed to reflect reality, particularly in 2008. Computer science rests on products that keep working. The phone works. The search engine works. Whatever happens to the punditry, nobody stops using the products. The correction, when it comes, hits the guru layer.

Gelman does not ask what moves prestige between fields. He offers 2008 plus the natural ebb and flow of influence. Ebb and flow explains nothing. A better account: a discipline holds prestige when elites believe it holds the key to the era’s dominant anxiety, and loses it when a public event shows it doesn’t. Unhappiness and the mind for Freud. Prosperity and incentives for economics. Machines and intelligence now. On that account the fall comes from a visible failure at the promise.

Academic computer science and the tech industry have different standing. Star economists stayed at Chicago and Harvard. Star computer scientists leave for labs paying ten times the professor salary. The pundits are founders, investors, and a handful of lab heads. So the field sits at apex cultural prestige while its departments lose their best people to firms borrowing the name. Economics had no equivalent.

Gelman says all-encompassing theories can be fine because they supply a framework by which the social world can be studied rather than predictions. From a man who spends most days as a methods cop, that is a large door to leave open. He is generous to Freud and to neoclassical economics on a point where he would be merciless toward a psychology paper. Where does he draw the line?

Statistics watched its subject get renamed data science and machine learning and rehoused in better-funded departments. He has written for years about machine learning rediscovering old statistical results. Gelman comes from a field that lost the prestige contest to the field described.

Steven Levitt (b. 1967) was the theory man who made economics fun. Nate Silver (b. 1978) was the data man who didn’t need the theory.

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Virtue Signaling and the Amy Wax case

Philosopher Neil Levy writes in 2019:

The accusation of virtue signalling is typically understood as a serious charge. Those accused usually respond (if not by an admission of fault) by attempting to show that they are doing no such thing. In this paper, I argue that we ought to embrace the charge, rather than angrily reject it. I argue that this response can draw support from cognitive science, on the one hand, and from social epistemology on the other. I claim that we may appropriately concede that what we are doing is (inter alia) virtue signalling, because virtue signalling is morally appropriate. It neither expresses vices, nor is hypocritical, nor does it degrade the quality of public moral discourse. Signalling our commitment to norms is a central and justifiable function of moral discourse, and the same signals provide (higher-order) evidence that is appropriately taken into account in forming moral beliefs…

Animals use signals for a variety of purposes. For instance, gazelles famously signal their fitness by stotting (jumping up and down on the spot) in front of predators (FitzGibbon and Fanshawe 1988). Peacocks even more famously signal their fitness with their spectacular tails (Zahavi and Zahavi 1999). Good signals are hard to fake signals: if a signal is cheap, then defectors will co-opt it and it will rapidly lose its value. Stotting is a hard to fake signal because it is costly. The gazelle who can afford to waste energy it might have saved for fleeing is probably not worth chasing. The peacock’s tail is an even more reliable signal, because the more spectacular the tail the more resources have been devoted to it and the better the health of the bird. A good signal of trustworthiness, too, will be hard to fake…

3. Numbers do not make a difference in either kind of way if additional agents are non-discriminating reflectors of a single individual (Goldman 2001). A non-discriminating reflector holds whatever opinion their guru holds, regardless of its plausibility, and therefore their agreement adds no independent epistemic weight to the initial opinion. In the actual world, agents are never or almost never non-discriminating reflectors of a guru, for at least two reasons. First, even if some agents are non-discriminating with regard to token opinions, the fact that they regard someone as a guru is good evidence that they take them to be reliable in general. Second, there is extensive evidence that agents are rarely genuinely non-discriminating. Even young children filter claims for plausibility, and will reject testimony from a familiar person, even a parent, in favour of more plausible testimony from an unfamiliar informant (see Harris 2012). The degree of independence of individual informants from one another varies from case to case, but we can be confident that each filters testimony for plausibility to some degree.

12. Anecdotally, the accusation of virtue signalling is typically directed by the political right at the political left. Nothing in the account given here predicts that it will be politically partisan, however, and the available empirical evidence suggests that it is at least as prevalent on the right. Expressive responding—reporting factual beliefs that are congenial to one’s political ‘side’ in order to express support and not because they are sincerely held—is very common, and amply demonstrated on the right. See Bullock and Lenz (2019) for review, and Schaffner and Luks (2018) for an extremely convincing demonstration of expressive responding by Trump supporters.

Amy Wax’s defenders say her critics do not care about the students and are working their careers. Her critics say she is a provocateur trading in outrage for attention. Levy’s answer to both is the same: the signaling function is real, the sincerity is also real, and the second is what makes the first work. Signals of commitment are reliable only when the commitment is there. The colleagues who signed against her probably meant it. She means it too.

What did each signal cost?

Levy’s criterion is that good signals are hard to fake, and a signal is hard to fake when it is costly, self-validating, or involuntary. Run that test across the Penn record. Signing a letter against Wax in 2018 or filing a complaint in 2022 cost a Penn faculty member very little and may have returned something. Defending her cost a great deal, which is why so few colleagues did it and why the defenses came mostly from outside institutions built for that purpose. Wax paid the most. She lost her named chair, lost summer pay in perpetuity, took a year’s suspension at half pay, and accepted a requirement to state in public appearances that she speaks for herself and not for Penn, on top of a public reprimand. By Levy’s own accounting that is the expensive signal in the exchange. The sanction authenticated her to the audience she was signaling toward. Penn produced the peacock’s tail on her behalf.

Levy’s list of signaling behaviors includes ramping up, where signalers outdo earlier signalers to be recognized as more serious. He treats it as predictable output of any signaling system rather than as a vice peculiar to progressives. Lay the Wax sequence against it. The bourgeois culture op-ed with Larry Alexander in 2017. The Glenn Loury interview remark about grade distributions the same year. The immigration remarks at the national conservatism conference in 2019. Then the repeated classroom invitations to Jared Taylor. A signal that has already been sent carries no information the second time. To keep carrying information to an audience it has to escalate or it has to become costlier.

Levy argues that numbers are higher-order evidence, and that the larger the number of people who disagree with you, the harder it gets to dismiss them from peerhood by citing your own track record, intelligence, or freedom from bias. Wax faces near unanimous disagreement from her professional peers. On Levy’s account she is under heavy rational pressure to reduce her confidence. She has not reduced it. Either she is holding a minority position that the numbers cannot touch, which he concedes can happen and illustrates with extreme opinions about race in the antebellum United States, or she is failing at conciliation in the way his framework describes.

His footnote on non-discriminating reflectors is where a Wax defense has to live, and it is the weakest link in his chain. Numbers only supply evidence when the judgments are independent. If a hundred people hold an opinion because their guru holds it, you have one opinion. Levy says agents in the real world are almost never non-discriminating, and offers as support that even young children filter testimony for plausibility. That is a low bar. The relevant question is not whether faculty filter for plausibility. It is whether the cost structure at an American law school in 2022 lets a private judgment against the consensus surface, and whether a signature under those conditions reports a belief or reports a position. Levy’s own argument supplies the tools to press this, since he spends the paper insisting that moral statements carry a signaling function. He does not apply it to the count. Someone should.

Levy says alleged instances are too controversial to assess, because the best explanation for why some people see an accusation as trumped up may be their own lack of moral perceptiveness. Ted Ruger’s charging letter described incessant racist, sexist, xenophobic, and homophobic actions and statements, and argued that her conduct led reasonable students to conclude they would be judged on race, ethnicity, gender, national status, or sexual orientation.

Penn was signaling too. A dean’s memo would have been cheap and would have carried little information about the university’s commitments. A three-day hearing in May 2023 before a five-member faculty board, a vote, presidential acceptance, an appeal, review by the Faculty Senate Committee on Academic Freedom and Responsibility for procedural irregularities, and a final confirmation is expensive. It also took four years, invited national coverage, and produced litigation that outlived the sanction. Penn bought credibility with faculty and students by making the process costly to itself. That the process is faculty-driven rather than administrative is the self-validating part, Levy’s bridge case: the faculty crossed the bridge.

Levy concedes that signals invite mimics and that past some proportion of mimics the signal stops carrying information and falls out of use. Penn’s punishment communicates something only if institutions of its kind punish rarely and for cause. Every additional case where the finding tracks unpopularity pushes the proportion of mimics up and drains the signal.

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Revisiting Virtually You: The Dangerous Powers of the E-Personality

Elias Aboujaoude (b. 1971) published Virtually You: The Dangerous Powers of the E-Personality in 2011, when Facebook had 600 million users, the iPad was a year old, and the phrase “smart phone” still took a space in the middle. He was then, as now, a Stanford psychiatrist running the OCD and impulse control clinics. The book argues that going online builds a second self. He calls it the e-personality and gives it five traits: grandiosity, narcissism, ordinary everyday viciousness, impulsivity, and infantile regression. The traits form under the conditions John Suler named the online disinhibition effect, which include anonymity, invisibility, and the collapse of hierarchy. Then comes the claim that carries the book: these traits migrate. What you become in a browser window follows you out of it. “Our offline persona increasingly resembles that of our avatar,” he writes.

That claim has been tested. Alexander Bor and Michael Bang Petersen at Aarhus formalized it as the mismatch hypothesis and ran it into the ground across eight studies with 8,434 subjects, publishing “The Psychology of Online Political Hostility” in the American Political Science Review. They found almost nothing. People are not more hostile online than off. Hostile political talk online comes from status-driven people who talk that way in person too, and who seek out political argument in both places. The hostility gap exists because such people are more visible online. Their alternative account is a connectivity story: online environments change what a given motive can accomplish and who sees it happen. Selection and visibility explain the phenomenon Aboujaoude built a personality theory on.

The narcissism chapter rests on Jean Twenge (b. 1971) and the cross-temporal meta-analyses showing rising Narcissistic Personality Inventory scores in college cohorts. Eunike Wetzel and colleagues, including Brent Roberts and Richard Robins, went back to that literature in 2017 with three cohorts and about 60,000 students and did the measurement invariance test nobody had run. Narcissism declines from the 1990s to the 2010s, d = -0.27, with the entitlement facet falling too. Roberts put it bluntly to the press: there never was a narcissism epidemic. The paper is titled “The Narcissism Epidemic Is Dead; Long Live the Narcissism Epidemic,” and the second half of the title is a joke about how hard the idea is to kill.

The memory chapter leans on Betsy Sparrow, Jenny Liu, and Daniel Wegner (1948-2013), whose “Google Effects on Memory” appeared in Science the same year the book did. Colin Camerer’s Social Sciences Replication Project tried Experiment 1 in 2018 and failed. A later independent attempt found no conclusive evidence that hard trivia questions prime people to think about computers. The broader transactive memory finding survives in weakened form.

You could say “smaller and more conditional” about every famous academic claim in the past 100 years, with a few exceptions. Smoking and lung cancer got larger with better data. So did lead and blood pressure and childhood exposure. Those studies had big signals, hard outcomes, and no room for the researcher to choose among forty ways of measuring the dependent variable. Media effects research has small signals, soft self-report outcomes, and enormous measurement flexibility.

The distraction argument runs through Eyal Ophir, Clifford Nass (1958-2013), and Anthony Wagner on media multitaskers. Wisnu Wiradhany and Mark Nieuwenstein ran two replications and a meta-analysis in 2017 and got d = 0.17, small and in the right direction. Douglas Parry and Daniel le Roux revisited the whole literature ten years on and found the same modest picture. The book also stakes the addiction argument partly on a 1998 PET study of dopamine release during a video game. That study had eight men in it.

So the supports go soft. What holds?

The illusion of knowledge chapter holds. Four years after the book, Matthew Fisher, Mariel Goddu, and Frank Keil published “Searching for Explanations: How the Internet Inflates Estimates of Internal Knowledge” in the Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. Nine experiments. People who search the web rate their ability to explain unrelated things higher than people given the same text without searching. The effect survives when you control time, content, and search autonomy. It survives failed searches. Subjects even predicted more activity in pictures of their own brains. Aboujaoude called it romantic and cognitive illiteracy and got there by intuition; Yale got there by design.

The reading argument holds in reduced form. Meta-analyses by Pablo Delgado, Virginia Clinton, and Ladislao Salmerón converge on a screen inferiority effect for comprehension that is small, strongest for expository text, worse under time pressure, and worse when the reader has to scroll. Lidia Altamura and colleagues put leisure digital reading habits against comprehension across 469,564 participants and found r = .055, far below the medium-sized effect print reading habits produce. The medium does something. It does less than Nicholas Carr (b. 1959) claimed and less than the book implies.

Then there is the chapter on internet addiction, the most careful in the book, and the one whose afterlife is the most interesting thing about it. Aboujaoude reports his own telephone survey of 2,513 adults, published in CNS Spectrums in 2006, which found that between 4 and 14 percent of Americans showed some marker of problematic internet use, with 14 percent unable to stay offline for several days. He notes the reviewer who rejected the paper with the line about microwave abuse and ChapStick addiction. He is fair to the skeptics, quotes Michael Craig Miller’s electronic needle argument, and declines to demand a DSM entry.

The field went the other way. The World Health Organization put gaming disorder in ICD-11. The DSM-5 kept internet gaming disorder as a condition for further study, and DSM-5-TR left it there. Prevalence estimates then did what prevalence estimates do when the construct is loose: a 2024 meta-analysis of DSM-5 and ICD-11 studies pooled at 6.7 percent, a 2025 meta-analysis of young adults landed at 6.1 percent across 149,601 people, and a large Swiss sample this year came in alongside a running argument that criteria like tolerance, deception, and gaming to escape manufacture false positives. Problematic smartphone use has been estimated at 37 percent in one meta-analysis of 109 studies and under 1 percent in another.

The lower figure is Aboujaoude’s. In “Problematic smartphone use in a representative sample of US adults,” published in Addictive Behaviors with Lucien Rochat, Germano Vera Cruz, and Yasser Khazaal, he is senior author on a paper reporting prevalence of 0.75 to 1.2 percent once you require functional impairment. The paper says the results highlight the need for an impairment criterion if we are to avoid pathologizing a ubiquitous behavior that has come to define contemporary life. That sentence retires most of the alarm in his own book, and he wrote it. A man revising his estimate downward by an order of magnitude in a peer-reviewed journal, twenty years after making his name on the higher number, is doing the thing scientists are supposed to do and rarely do.

Where does that leave the harm question? The best causal evidence is quasi-experimental and experimental, and it points to real effects that are small. Luca Braghieri, Ro’ee Levy, and Alexey Makarin exploited Facebook’s staggered college rollout in the American Economic Review and found worsened student mental health, with the severe depression effect around 0.07 standard deviations, driven by unfavorable social comparison. Hunt Allcott, Matthew Gentzkow and a large team randomized about 35,000 users to deactivate Facebook or Instagram for six weeks before the 2020 election. Emotional state improved by 0.060 standard deviations for Facebook and 0.041 for Instagram, and political attitudes, polarization, and belief in fraud claims barely moved. Amy Orben and Andrew Przybylski’s specification curve work put adolescent digital technology use in the same neighborhood as eating potatoes. The National Academies reviewed the youth literature in 2024 and concluded the evidence was insufficient to say social media causes changes in adolescent health at the population level, while documenting real harm to individual teens. Luisa Fassi, Tamsin Ford, and Orben have since pushed into clinical samples, where the general-population averages hide the people who most need studying.

Jonathan Haidt (b. 1963) built a policy movement on the stronger reading and has been answered at length, most recently by Liam Sigaud, Zachary Rausch, Alec McClean and Haidt attacking the Vuorre and Przybylski papers in Clinical Psychological Science, with Candice Odgers, Sonia Livingstone, Patti Valkenburg and Christopher Ferguson pressing from the other side. Legislation ran ahead of all of it. Australia banned social media accounts for under-16s on December 10, 2025. By March, the eSafety Commissioner found that more than eight in ten under-16s were still using the platforms, most at the same frequency as before, and a British Medical Journal study in June found little evidence of reduced access. Meta has been ordered to pay close to a billion dollars in US jury verdicts this year. Reviews of school phone bans report limited and inconsistent effects on attainment, no consistent effect on bullying, and some increase in anxiety among students separated from their phones. The gap between a 0.06 standard deviation effect and a national prohibition is where we now live.

On romance the book has aged into its own irony. Aboujaoude opens the chapter with a man who leaves his fiancée for a Second Life avatar. Michael Rosenfeld, Reuben Thomas, and Sonia Hausen showed in PNAS that meeting online became the most common way American heterosexual couples meet around 2013, passing friends, and that it displaced the friend and family brokers who used to run the market. Outcomes are contested and the disagreements are small: John Cacioppo found slightly higher marital satisfaction for couples who met online, Rosenfeld found no difference in duration, Liesel Sharabi and Elizabeth Dorrance Hall found modestly worse satisfaction and stability mediated by marginalization and distance, and a 2025 study across fifty countries found lower satisfaction and love among couples who met online. The extreme case turned out to be an extreme case, and the ordinary case became the whole marriage market.

Aboujaoude has moved on to the obvious successor. He now runs the Program in Internet, Health and Society at Cedars-Sinai and chairs the anxiety section at Stanford, and this year he and Ashley Golden published “A transdiagnostic model for how general purpose AI chatbots can perpetuate OCD and anxiety disorders” in npj Digital Medicine. The argument is that chatbots feed intolerance of uncertainty and need-to-know compulsions, reinforcing avoidance and blocking corrective learning. He offers the patient who once spent four hours planning a business trip and now spends twelve, because the reassurance never runs out. The evidence base is clinical observation plus early survey work, which is where he stood in 2011.

The parallel research is arriving. Cathy Fang and colleagues at MIT Media Lab ran a four-week randomized trial with 981 participants and over 300,000 messages, and reported that higher daily use tracked with more loneliness, more emotional dependence, and less socializing, with voice modality helping at low use and losing that advantage at high use. Nataliya Kosmyna’s EEG study of essay writing with an LLM found weaker neural connectivity, weaker sense of ownership, and subjects who could not quote work they had produced days earlier. It has 54 subjects, 18 in the final session, and has not passed peer review. Michael Gerlich’s survey work links heavy AI use to reduced critical thinking through cognitive offloading, and finds the effect depends on how people prompt. This is 2011 again: a striking small study, a plausible mechanism, and a public ready to generalize.

The lesson of Virtually You is about the relationship between the clinic and the population. Aboujaoude sees the man who lost his job to browsing, the wife who installs keyloggers, the fiancé who leaves for an avatar. Those people exist and someone should write about them. The error is arithmetic. A clinician’s caseload is a sample selected on the outcome, and the traits that fill his waiting room look like emerging norms because he never meets the eighty percent for whom the same technology does nothing measurable. Bor and Petersen’s finding is the correction: the internet recruits and displays, it does not convert. Fifteen years of better instruments produced smaller numbers almost everywhere they were pointed, and the man who published the frightening number in 2006 published the small one in 2024.

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The Great Delusion

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization…

That’s the best summary of the human condition I have seen. Mearsheimer doesn’t put much effort into supporting his argument. He draws his social ontology from a thin bibliography, mostly Aristotle, Burke, and Herder. The literature behind his claim is much deeper than his footnotes suggest, and it splits into four traditions that rarely read each other.

The first is the sociological classic line that made socialization the central fact. Émile Durkheim (1858-1917) built the whole case in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, where the sacred is society worshipping itself and moral categories arrive from the group. Marcel Mauss (1872-1950) extended it in The Gift and in his 1938 essay on the category of the person, which traces how the bounded individual became a Western legal and religious invention. George Herbert Mead (1863-1931) gave the psychological version in Mind, Self, and Society: the self emerges from taking the attitude of others toward oneself, so the social precedes the individual in the order of development. Lev Vygotsky (1896-1934) argued the same for cognition in Mind in Society, where thought starts as external speech between people and only later moves inside. Peter Berger (1929-2017) and Thomas Luckmann (1927-2016) systematized the whole thing in The Social Construction of Reality, and their chapter on primary socialization is the best short statement of Mearsheimer’s point about the long childhood. Norbert Elias (1897-1990) wrote on the puzzle in The Society of Individuals, arguing that the sense of an inner self walled off from others is a late historical achievement.

The second tradition is comparative anthropology, which tested whether the Western person is normal. Louis Dumont (1911-1998) wrote Homo Hierarchicus, which reads caste India as a society organized around the whole, and Essays on Individualism traces how the West got from the Christian individual-in-relation-to-God to the modern individual-in-the-world. Clifford Geertz (1926-2006) made the famous remark in Local Knowledge that the Western idea of the person as a bounded, unique, integrated center of awareness is a peculiar notion set against the world’s other cultures. Marshall Sahlins (1930-2021) wrote the short polemical version in The Western Illusion of Human Nature, about a hundred pages, which argues that the Hobbesian picture of the presocial self-interested actor is a local folk theory the West mistook for science. Mary Douglas (1921-2007) is the practical one: Natural Symbols and How Institutions Think show that classification, memory, and even what counts as a good argument run through group structure. Fustel de Coulanges (1830-1889) wrote The Ancient City in 1864 and it remains the best account of a world where the family cult is the unit of everything.

The third tradition is the evolutionary and cognitive work, which is where the current action is. Joseph Henrich (b. 1968) matters most for Mearsheimer’s argument. The Secret of Our Success argues that humans survive by cultural learning, and The WEIRDest People in the World explains Western individualism as the downstream effect of the medieval Church dismantling cousin marriage and clan structure. Read together they concede Mearsheimer’s premise and then historicize his opponent, which is more damaging to liberalism than a frontal attack. Michael Tomasello (b. 1950) supplies the developmental evidence in A Natural History of Human Thinking and Becoming Human, showing that shared intentionality appears in children before anything resembling individual reasoning. Sarah Blaffer Hrdy (b. 1946) wrote Mothers and Others on cooperative breeding, and it is the best answer to why the human childhood is so long and so dependent. Christopher Boehm (1937-2021) gives the political version in Hierarchy in the Forest and Moral Origins, where conscience is internalized group sanction. Peter Richerson (b. 1943) and Robert Boyd (b. 1948) provide the formal theory in Not by Genes Alone. Robin Dunbar (b. 1947) on group size in Grooming, Gossip and the Evolution of Language, and David Sloan Wilson (b. 1949) on religion as group adaptation in Darwin’s Cathedral, round it out. Mark Moffett’s The Human Swarm covers how societies mark membership and how they split.

The fourth tradition is the philosophical critique of liberal atomism, and this is the literature Mearsheimer is closest to without citing. Charles Taylor (b. 1931) wrote the founding essay, “Atomism,” in the second volume of his philosophical papers, and then the long historical version in Sources of the Self and A Secular Age, where the buffered self replaces the porous one. Alasdair MacIntyre (1929-2025) gives the sharpest version in After Virtue and, more to your point, in Dependent Rational Animals, which starts from human vulnerability and dependence and reaches a politics from there. Michael Sandel (b. 1953) attacked Rawls on exactly this ground in Liberalism and the Limits of Justice with the argument about the unencumbered self. Michael Walzer (b. 1935) offers the pluralist alternative in Spheres of Justice. Robert Bellah (1927-2013) and his colleagues did the empirical American version in Habits of the Heart. C.B. Macpherson (1911-1987) wrote the classic genealogy in The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism, tracing atomism to Hobbes and Locke. Larry Siedentop (b. 1936) argues the opposite causal story in Inventing the Individual, that Christianity produced the individual, which makes him the best foil for Henrich and Dumont.

On the rights half of Mearsheimer’s argument, read Samuel Moyn (b. 1972) beyond the quoted line. The Last Utopia dates the human rights breakthrough to the 1970s and treats it as a replacement for failed socialist and anticolonial politics, and Not Enough argues that rights talk grew as material equality collapsed. Mary Ann Glendon (b. 1938) wrote Rights Talk on how the American rights idiom crowds out responsibility and relationship. MacIntyre’s line in After Virtue about belief in natural rights standing with belief in witches and unicorns is the hard version.

For the nationalism payoff, where Mearsheimer takes all this, the essential books are Ernest Gellner (1925-1995), Nations and Nationalism, Anthony D. Smith (1939-2016), The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Walker Connor (1926-2017), Ethnonationalism, and Azar Gat (b. 1959), Nations, which argues for deep premodern roots against Gellner’s modernism. Pierre van den Berghe (1933-2019) wrote the sociobiological version in The Ethnic Phenomenon. Yoram Hazony (b. 1964) published The Virtue of Nationalism the same year as Mearsheimer’s book and argues a parallel case from a different starting point.

If you want four books: Dumont’s Essays on Individualism for the comparative frame, Henrich’s The WEIRDest People in the World for the causal history, Berger and Luckmann for socialization, and Taylor’s “Atomism” for the philosophical target.

My quote comes from Chapter 2, “Human Nature and Politics,” which names two people in pop evolution.

The first is Jonathan Haidt (b. 1963), quoted for the line that children end up with a morality unique to their culture or group. Mearsheimer calls him a social psychologist and uses him once, to prop up the claim that socialization outranks reason. The second is Antonio Damasio (b. 1944), cited for the point that emotion cannot be scrubbed out of reasoning. There is also an unnamed reference to “some social psychologists” who hold that reason mostly rationalizes intuition, which is the moral-intuitionist school Haidt belongs to, and a dismissive aside about “some sociobiologists” who claim humans are naturally aggressive, a position Mearsheimer rejects along with Hans Morgenthau’s (1904-1980) animus dominandi.

The rest of the chapter runs on political theory and sociology rather than biology. Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) opens it. Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) supplies habitus. Émile Durkheim gets the line that society is not a mere sum of individuals. Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) supplies the infinity of traces. Edmund Burke (1729-1797) supplies the partnership of the living, the dead, and the unborn. Alasdair MacIntyre supplies the interminability of moral disagreement. Leo Strauss (1899-1973) gets several pages. Then Hume, Rousseau, Condorcet, William Godwin, John Dewey, Daniel Defoe on Robinson Crusoe, Brad Gregory (b. 1963) on the Reformation, Richard Posner (b. 1939) and Ronald Dworkin (1931-2013) and Oliver Wendell Holmes on law, Irving Kristol on economics, Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) and Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971) on whether man is good or bad, Thucydides, Harold Lasswell, and Locke.

So the sociality argument rests on assertion and on a handful of political theorists, with Haidt doing the empirical work almost alone. Mearsheimer does not cite Tomasello, Boehm, Hrdy, Richerson and Boyd, Henrich, Dunbar, or E.O. Wilson except to wave off the sociobiologists.

Aristotle (384-322 BC) said man is by nature a political animal, and the man who lives outside the city is either a beast or a god.

Marx’s sixth thesis on Feuerbach said the human essence is the ensemble of social relations.

Roger Scruton (1944-2020) said first person plural comes before the first person singular.

Adam Ferguson (1723-1816) said man is always found in groups, and the state of nature is wherever man happens to be standing.

Arnold Gehlen (1904-1976) said man is the deficient creature, born without adequate instinct, and institutions do the work instinct does in other animals.

Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) said asabiyya, group feeling, is what lets one people take power from another, and it decays across three or four generations of prosperity. Mearsheimer treats sociality as a constant. Ibn Khaldun makes it a variable with a decay curve.

Peter Berger (1929-2017) said society is a human product, society is an objective reality, man is a social product.

Max Weber (1864-1920) said the old gods rise from their graves and resume their eternal struggle, and each of us serves one and offends another.

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Why Do I Instinctively Dislike Erik Erikson?

Claude says: The first is the arc of his career. He built his name on invective. He called Justice David Souter a name that combined bestiality with child molestation. He called Michelle Obama a Marxist harpy. He tagged Wendy Davis with a nickname about abortion. Then came the second act: the Christian gentleman, the scripture citation, the counsel toward grace, the lament for a coarsened public square. He apologized for parts of the first act. The apology arrived around the time the audience for the second act became more lucrative than the audience for the first. Someone who watched both acts hears the second as a costume change rather than a repentance.

Second, the merger of faith and inventory. His show is sold on biblical conviction. Piety functions as a product feature, and a man raised around religion tends to smell that before he can articulate it.

Third, the weathervane pattern. He disinvited Trump from the RedState Gathering in August 2015 and spent 2016 in open opposition. The opposition softened over the following years. Every individual step has a defense. The sequence tracks where the paying listeners went.

Fourth, verdicts without exposure. Three hours a day, a syndicated column, a Fox chair, opinions on Iran and Ossoff and the Vice President and the state of Western civilization. Nobody who produces at that volume can have done the reading. The confidence outruns the labor, and you have spent thirty years watching men monetize that gap.

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